Abstract
The distribution of DDPP in raising constructions –depending on the embedded clause’s formal properties– has been essential for Case Theory and movement. Likewise, the behavior of DDPP, according to agreement facts, has given rise to relevant discussions about the kind of movement involved (A-Movement/A’-Movement). Nevertheless, this distribution is not so clear in certain Spanish dialects, which shows a double agreement effects. It means that the embedded verb as well as the raising verb (parecer ‘to seem’) present inflectional number (and person) morphology: Parece-n que lo olvida-n (seem.3PL that it forget.3PL ‘They seem to forget him’). The analysis of the data in these varieties allows us to define many characteristics which are relevant from a descriptive and a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, it is possible to identify some notable particularities, with respect to the position of the DP, which triggers agreement and the interaction of these constructions with dative experiencers as well (Me parece que... ‘It seems to me that...’). From a theoretical point of view, these data have consequences for approaches on agreement, on the relationship between Case and movement, and on the discussion regarding the Experiencer Paradox in Spanish. Additionally, they allow us to identify a new empirical domain in which a DP plural number feature has an active role in the Probe-Goal domain.
Highlights
The subject-matter of the present paper is the study of variation in impersonal sentences with parecer ‘to seem’ and the consequences of this variation for theoretical discussion
The aim of this study is to offer a detailed description of cases in which impersonal constructions present plural morphology and person features –regardless of plurality– to discuss what these data tell us about previous proposals on that topic, of the relationship between Case assignment and agreement
Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as well as non-standard Spanish, present agreement with singular subjects, and person features are involved in the morphology of parecer
Summary
The subject-matter of the present paper is the study of variation in impersonal sentences with parecer ‘to seem’ and the consequences of this variation for theoretical discussion. In a sentence like (3), in which the embedded sentence has a non-defective T, the argument does not raise further, and parecer presents the morphology of an impersonal verb (3SG). Parecían de que se había quemado todo saw several tw, seem.3PL de that it had been burned everything ‘I saw several tw, it seemed that everything had been burned’ [Twitter, 07/04/2016, Argentina] Another verb that behaves to parecer is resultar ‘to turn out/happen’ (cf Fernández Soriano & Taboas Baylin 1999). The cases of resultar are significantly less numerous
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