Abstract

EVENTS IN PAKISTAN in 1978 were marked by a sense of suspended animation. Everything seems to depend on what happens in trial of ex-Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for conspiracy in murder of Mohammad Ahmed Khan in 1974. The case, brought by victim's son, Ahmed Raza Khan Kasuri, was in final stages of appeal before Supreme Court in December. Bhutto himself appeared before Court, to say that the future of depended on his acquittal. The trial formed a backdrop to events of entire year, and was not far from anyone's thoughts in political discussion. By end of year Court had not announced a time for its verdict, but observers in Pakistan contend that any verdict at all means trouble. If government decides to execute Bhutto, civil strife is sure; if it is decided not to kill him, strife seems less sure but still probable. In private discussion people say that military regime should simply have shot him at outset; then he would just be another rascal in history, as one friend put it. (Weighed against convenience would have been introduction of a new element in Pakistani politics, execution of one's opponents.) A major reason for military government's involvement of civilian elements seems to be a desire to have them share responsibility-or even shoulder it-for whatever is done, since it will be government's decision ultimately: even if courts decide on a death sentence, clemency is possible. Although Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) General Zia ul Haq is quoted as saying that if Court convicts him, I'll hang blighter, a common joke in Pakistan says that CMLA stands for Cancel My Last Announcement-and with reason. But if there is clemency, what to

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