Abstract

For many decades, Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence. At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance. Consociationalism was assumed to “cure” the Northern Irish region, save it from violence and antagonism, and help to establish a dialogue between the representatives of the region’s key collective identities — unionists and nationalists. However, although 22 years have passed since the introduction of the consociational system, the settlement of the conflict has not seen any obvious progress. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this state of affairs and, in particular, to find out whether consociational model could, in principle, live up to the expectations. Based on the analysis of the fundamental characteristics of this model, as well as the institutional patterns in the Northern Irish politics, P.Maksimova comes to the conclusion that consociational practices not only failed to contribute to the elimination of the antagonistic moods in the society, but also helped to preserve them. According to the author, consociational system is merely an instrument of crisis management, which, if misinterpreted, can only intensify confrontation and block the final settlement of the conflict. This is exactly what happened in Northern Ireland, where the specific features of the consociational system made it almost impossible to abandon group identities.

Highlights

  • Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence

  • At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement

  • The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance

Read more

Summary

Mouffe 1999

Мир как продолжение войны1 — выражение, напоминающее оруэлловское двоемыслие, — хорошо описывает, пусть и в упрощенном виде, ситуацию на острове Ирландия, точнее, в его северной части. Северная Ирландия оставалась местом напряженного конфликта идентичностей с частыми всплесками политико-религиозного насилия. Однако по мере роста популярности демократических и ненасильственных методов борьбы все более очевидной становилась низкая эффективность вооруженной конфронтации между лоялистами (радикальными сторонниками короны) и военизированными группировками республиканцев (ирландских сепаратистов) как способа достижения политических интересов. Сегодня случай Северной Ирландии нередко приводится в качестве примера успешного транзита к постконфликтному взаимодействию путем адаптации модели консоциативной демократии. Подтверждением тому служат как минимум 34 политических убийства за последние 10 лет, всплески экстремизма, сегрегация населения путем возведения так называемых «стен мира» (защитных барьеров между общинами). Но прежде чем “ПОЛИТИЯ” No 2 (101) 2021 приступать к изложению результатов исследования, следует обозначить его теоретические рамки, рассмотрев аргументы защитников и критиков консоциативной модели демократии.

16 McGarry and O’Leary 2006b
17 Andeweg 2000
19 Andeweg 2000
25 Ryan 1990
28 Taylor 2008
29 Whiting and Bauchowitz 2020
32 McGarry 2001
37 Kelleher 2017
43 Barry 2002
Full Text
Published version (Free)

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call