Abstract
Optimality Theory (OT) posits a universal set of constraints, and the factorial typology of the constraints, i.e. through all logically possible permutations of constraints to generate all possible constraint rankings, is predicted to produce possible grammars and exclude impossible ones. This paper examines the factorial typology of the markedness constraints relevant to Mandarin mid vowel assimilation, and checks the OT factorial typology against the typology of mid vowel assimilation. I demonstrate that there is a reasonable match between the two typologies, suggest that the few mismatches can be accounted for on principled grounds, and discuss the issue of uneven frequency distribution among different typological patterns.
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