Abstract

It is a commonplace that organized labor has had little influence in community policy in the United States. Prior to the New Deal, community decisions were made largely by business and professional groups. Since 1932, when organized labor obtained legal support for collective bargaining, unions have gradually begun to challenge this domination of the city by already established groups. Thus, while labor's main political effort was made on state and national levels, it has also sought to challenge local patterns of control. The Political Action Committees of the CIO have become increasingly interested in local politics. During World War II the CIO created the Community Services Organization to broaden its area of community involvement. Although lagging somewhat, the AFL has also expanded its political and other activities in the community. As Cook has shown, unions are establishing liaison with all important institutions and demanding representation on all community-wide organizations in cities where labor is highly organized. The full circle of challenges to the traditional power structure of the local community now appears complete: economic challenge, political challenge, and finally a challenge on all local institutional fronts. Many scholars have observed, however, that labor unions still do not occupy a place in this power structure commensurate with their numbers or with their role in the economy. But precise documentation of this fact is generally lacking. Orme W. Phelps made one of the early systematic studies which documented the gross under-representation of labor union officials among (a) honorific biographical listings and (b) appointments to public offices, boards of foundations, university boards, and service clubs. This study focused primarily on recognition of union officials at state and federal levels. (Author's abstract courtesy EBSCO.)

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