Abstract

When Marquis Childs observed Sweden's nascent welfare state over 50 years ago, he was struck by the obsession with organisation [1]. Swedish labour and management, grouped by their respective unions, quite willingly sat down together to reason, compromise, and move their way forward through a host of programmes designed for sensitivity to shifting social conditions, to the ebb and flow of resources. The highly publicised practice of 'rolling reform' in education was certainly no exception to this rule. Continual effort was applied over several decades to match new educational demands with solutions as quickly as possible, and to follow new emphases in policy implementation. One of the latest reforms, due to take effect in 1988/89, should create a programme of teacher training which for the first time will be consistent with the 'democratisation' which reformed the comprehensive compulsory school in the 1960s, and the integrated upper secondary school in the 1970s. The forthcoming teacher training reform is the primary focus for this article. The guiding principle for the systematic humanitarianism of the welfare state has been the concept of 'equity', in both its distributive and equilibristic connotations. Respect for social justice and equality are deeply rooted in Swedish society, even predating the 'socialist' breakthrough of the twentieth century. The long and deliberative quality of current policy-making in Sweden stems from this heritage. Policy proposals and new legislation are usually worked out by government commissions, whose composition normally includes a wide representation of professionals (including university researchers) affiliated with the field of policy interest. Commission proposals are submitted to all government agencies, unions, organisations and other stakeholders so the appropriate minister may take their opinions into consideration before the proposals are presented to parliament for final decision. The pragmatic balancing of interests and benefits and considerable state intervention are landmarks of Swedish daily life. Upon numerous occasions from the onset of their tenure in 1932, the Social Democrats have had to solicit co-operation from other parties to amass majority support for policies which have aimed to provide a minimum standard of security for all: programmes of health and social insurance, old age pensions, unemployment insurance, food subventions, aid to the physically and mentally disabled, child support, housing subsidies, and education which is free from pre-school to postgraduate degree. A strong criticism posits that for such strong emphasis on equity values, one must pay the price in single-track solutions. Lack of pluralism in public dialogue runs

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