Abstract
AbstractChapter 8 extends the explanation for crossover to a phenomenon that involves scope, but not binding, namely, the licensing of negative polarity items. It has long been a mystery why negative polarity licensing appears to be sensitive not only to scope relations, but also to linear order. We argue that the pattern of configurations in which a quantificational DP is able to bind a pronoun is similar to the pattern of configurations in which an NPI‐licensing quantifier is able to license a negative polarity item. An account is developed in the tower fragment on which the link between a negative polarity item and its licensor is mediated by the same syntactic mechanism that establishes the link between a quantifier and a pronoun that it binds. As a result, NPI licensing shows a sensitivity to evaluation order in the same class of structures that trigger a weak crossover violation.
Sign-in/Register to access full text options 
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
