Opacity and ordering: H-deletion in Kikerewe

Abstract

One of the properties held to distinguish Optimality Theory from derivational theory is that Optimality Theory has no sequential derivations, and instead correct outputs are selected on the basis of surface properties of various pronunciations, given a particular underlying form. As has been made clear from many years of research within a derivational framework, the relation between underlying and surface form can be quite complex and resistant to simple surface oriented statements. This article explores the phonology of HH sequences in Kikerewe as a case study in how the theory might account for rule ordering, showing that two-level constraints are required to even approach a description of the facts of the language, and ultimately the two-level approach does not work. In addition, it is shown that some degree of actual derivationality is required, whereby distinct cycles of constraint evaluation are needed at the word and phrase levels.