Abstract

AbstractThe article is based on a study of how social media and other types of online representations of nursing homes are described by staff. The study proceeds from a qualitative thematic analysis of 14 interviews with nursing-home representatives. The article addresses a key finding that was apparent in the interviews: the online representations’ form and content were adjusted to fit the demands of residents’ relatives. Given the peripheral role attributed to relatives in official Swedish eldercare policies, the motives for the online representations are systematically examined. Two motives are found to be central: marketing and assurance. Residents’ relatives, specified as adult children, were perceived pre-admission as customers in charge of the process of choice and placement; post-admission, relatives requested proof that social activities were provided for their parents. The article discusses how online representations strategically construct a version of ‘reality’ by adjusting to relatives’ unrealistic expectations, only showing residents as involved in social activities. Finally, the need to examine the actual role of relatives in Swedish eldercare is discussed.

Highlights

  • Background and objectivesMany nursing homes have an online presence, often in the form of a website and/or social media accounts such as Facebook and Instagram, which they use to broadcast information about their premises, staff, services and nursing-home activities

  • In interviewees’ descriptions that focused on marketing, representations assigned the role of customer to relatives, who were expected to be closely involved in the choice of nursing home

  • In this sense, defined as proxy customers, and in some cases the very reason for having a social media account was to reach this category of customer: In the spring when we had some vacant places, that’s when we set up our Facebook account

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Summary

Introduction

Many nursing homes have an online presence, often in the form of a website and/or social media accounts such as Facebook and Instagram, which they use to broadcast information about their premises, staff, services and nursing-home activities (see Erlandsson, 2014; Carlstedt, 2019). Online representations of eldercare services can be studied as a documentation practice that communicates normative ideas about care – its content, relations and subject positions of those involved. One of the authors of this article found that Instagram accounts of Swedish nursing homes showed. Ageing & Society 2755 residents involved in an active and enjoyable social life (Carlstedt, 2019). This article examines how nursing-home staff account for these types of representations of old age. What is regarded as appropriate and, given the frailty of the residents, why do images of sociability and an active life predominate? Places in Swedish nursing homes are only open to those in need of extensive care, so they are facilities where people are very frail and everyday life is often dominated by care routines (Harnett, 2010)

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