Abstract
AbstractThis paper assesses restrictions on the distribution of the Hittite clitic pronouns as a realization of the Person Case Constraint (PCC). It claims that Hittite exhibits the strong version of the PCC, which blocks the 1st or 2nd person direct object clitic in the presence of the indirect object clitic. Moreover, it argues that in Hittite, the unaccusative or passive, but not transitive, subject clitics participate in the PCC as well, and this fact indicates that the agreement processes resulting in the PCC occur before structural case assignment and independently of it. The paper presents an analysis that implies two distinct mechanisms of licensing: interpretable person licensing, based on the Person Licensing Condition, and Vergnaud‐licensing, based on a feature‐driven version of the Case filter.
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