Abstract
I address two sets of data in which the acceptability of strong negative polarity items (lift a finger, so much as) is reading dependent: (i) Strong NPIs may occur in sentences with a law-like interpretation but not in sentences with an episodic interpretation. (ii) They improve in the restrictor of a proportional determiner even if ungrammatical in the restrictor of a corresponding cardinal determiner. These data are problematic for entailment-based and pragmatic approaches to NPI licensing. I propose an account based on Discourse Representation Theory (DRT). The differences are captured using DRT’s representation of proportional determiners as duplex conditions and by the explicit integration of presuppositions into semantic representations.
Sign-in/Register to access full text options 
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
