Abstract
The aim of Chapter 7 is to provide a unified analysis of gender licensing in Brazilian Portuguese. It proposes a mechanism of feature relativization in the Preminger sense (2014) to address the different syntactic patterns of gender agreement in the language. Preminger’s core idea is to deal with φ-agreement obligatoriness even in contexts in which it seems not to occur. The proposal points out that the different outcomes for gender are due to underspecification of the structure of the DP that contains this feature, and its combination with other features available in the inventory results in different interpretations in LF, which, in addition, may predict generalizations such as the option of default agreement as a predictable phenomenon in grammar.
Sign-in/Register to access full text options 
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
