Abstract
In this paper we defend three hypotheses. First, all languages that have Determiners (null or overt) have definite kinds, a possibility which does not prevent languages from using other means to refer to kinds. Second, kinds are referred to by definite DPs with no Number involved. Third, the subkind interpretation is built on Number. We will provide empirical support for these hypotheses based on a contrastive analysis of two languages that show opposite strategies for marking definiteness: Spanish, a Romance language with articles, and Russian, a Slavic language with no article. We predict that definite kinds cannot combine with predicates that encode plurality, cannot trigger a generic interpretation with s-level predicates, and have an interpretation that differs from the one associated to definite plurals.
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