Abstract

This paper investigated occupational gender segregation and its vertical and horizontal dimensions in Turkey. In order to explore the extent of inequality entailed in occupational gender segregation (measured by the vertical dimension), average pay levels across occupations were used. In addition to the economic inequalities captured by pay, aiming to explore the social inequalities inherent in occupational segregation, Cambridge Social Interaction and Stratification Scale scores across occupations were used. The results showed that the extent of inequality associated with occupational gender segregation was substantial, operating to the detriment of women. Women were more likely to be employed in lower-paid jobs and in occupations that ranked lower across the overall stratification structure, while men remained at an advantaged position in terms of both the pay levels and the positions of the occupations they held in the social hierarchy.

Highlights

  • Family structures and social values are changing and challenging the male breadwinner norm, evidence based on time-use or equivalent surveys shows that women continue to allocate more time to unpaid domestic work than do men (Kan 2008; Sevilla-Sanz et al 2010)

  • It was difficult to achieve a direct comparison with other countries, this figure was relatively low and was, perhaps, a reflection of the very low representation of women in the labor market, in line with studies finding a positive association between female employment rates and occupational segregation figures (Emerek et al 2003; Jarman et al 2012; Mandel and Semyonov 2006)

  • When the vertical dimension was measured by pay, it was associated with a positive sign (0.199 for hourly pay, 0.176 for monthly pay), indicating the expected advantaged position of men in terms of pay

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Summary

Introduction

Family structures and social values are changing and challenging the male breadwinner norm, evidence based on time-use or equivalent surveys shows that women continue to allocate more time to unpaid domestic work than do men (Kan 2008; Sevilla-Sanz et al 2010). Women across the world leave their jobs upon marriage or having children, or they move into lower-paid and lower-status, mostly part-time jobs upon their return to employment after motherhood (Connolly and Gregory 2008) This translates into a segregated workforce, with women typically engaging in clerical and service work and with men dominating the production and managerial occupations (Anker et al 2003; Charles 1990). Country-specific elements such as economic development strategies, the institutional framework, parental leave policies, and attitudes towards women’s employment had an important effect on the extent of the expansion in services and the ways in which it influenced women’s employment Given these facts, it is not surprising that whilst the service sector was associated with increased female employment rates and reduced gender wage gaps in developed countries, the changes in the industrial structure and the expansion of certain industries, including services, did not always produce positive occupational outcomes for women across all countries.

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