"Nou Kwe nan Sentespri" (We Believe in the Holy Spirit): Music, Ecstasy, and Identity in Haitian Pentecostal Worship

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Since the 1920s, has witnessed an evangelical movement characterized by the rapid growth of Protestant and Pentecostal churches (Jeanty 1989, 56). Despite persecution by the Catholic Church and a brief closure (1941-43) under President Elie Lescot, Pentecostal churches in continued to flourish in the 1940s and 1950s (Louis 1998, 197-198). When Francois Papa Doc Duvalier came to power in 1957, he began encouraging a greater influx of evangelical missions in an attempt to undermine the power of the Catholic Church (McAlister 2000, 3; Louis 1998, 156). By 1960, Protestants and Pentecostals comprised about twenty percent of the population, compared with only three percent in 1940. (1) Despite the persistence of the misleading adage Haiti is 90 percent Catholic and 100 percent vaudou (Dash 2001, 51), recent figures indicate that at the turn of the twenty-first century as much as one-third of the country self-identifies as Protestant or Pentecostal (Lain 1998, 72; Louis 1998, 197). Catholic churches have found perhaps the stiffest competition among Pentecostal organizations, such as the various Churches of God (e.g., Church of God in Christ, Church of God of Prophecy), and independent Pentecostal churches scattered throughout Haiti. Nevertheless, the rise of Pentecostalism and its profound impact on expressive culture have yet to be adequately researched. Most ethnomusicological literature on examines the music of Vodou (Fleurant 1987; Wilcken 1992; Yih 1995; McAlister 2002) and, to a lesser degree, classical and popular music (Largey 1991; Averill 1993, 1997); but gospel music (mizik evanjelik) constitutes a realm of expressive culture that remains largely untapped by ethnomusicologists. (2) It seems that music made in Christian churches is assumed to lack the richness of the supposedly more Haitian genres. I hope to call this notion into question by examining the dynamic links among music, ecstasy, (3) and identity in Pentecostal worship. Much of the existing ethnomusicological research on discusses mizik Vodou (Vodou music) as a means of serving the spirits (lwas). Fleurant (1987), Wilcken (1992), and Yih (1995) look at ways in which specific musical devices, such as distinct rhythms, dances, and lyrics, serve to induce spirit possession. A few writers, such as Belany (1998) and Romain (1986), offer historical and sociological treatments of Protestantism, but most scholars downplay the role of music in sustaining the evangelical revival throughout the Caribbean region. Conway's dissertation (1978) contains very little discussion of music, yet it remains the primary anthropological resource for research on Pentecostalism. Brodwin (1996, 2003) and McAlister (1995, 2000) are among the few scholars who have contributed insightful research on the topic. Brodwin (1996) deals with competition among the ethical systems of Catholicism, Protestanism, and Vodou as they relate to the practice of healing in rural Haiti. In a more recent essay, Brodwin (2003) explores Pentecostalism among migrants in Guadeloupe. Calley (1965), Toulis (1997), and Brodwin (2003) identify transnational issues surrounding Pentecostal practice, showing how marginalized Afro-Caribbean communities assert national, ethnic, and gender identities among dominant majority populations perceived as hostile. McAlister (2000) examines the influence of U.S. missions on both the historical development of Pentecostalism in and on contemporary debates concerning national identity. The baptism of the Holy Spirit, with the initial evidence of speaking in tongues (also known as glossolalia or xenoglossy) lies at the heart of Pentecostalism and distinguishes Pentecostal churches from mainline Protestant denominations. Although Pentecostal congregations generally share this belief, the character of musical worship in Pentecostal churches varies significantly according to the type of service and church in which musical worship takes place. …