Not so peculiar after all: On the normal position of arguments of German experiencer-object verbs

Abstract

The present paper argues that seemingly erratic linearisation patterns of experiencer-object verbs in German can be accounted for by considering well-known linearisation constraints. The analysis is based on two Two-Alternative Forced-Choice experiments: The first study tests experiencer-object verbs with inanimate subjects, the second one tests experiencer-object verbs with animate subjects. If the subject is inanimate, experiencer-object verbs selecting a dative object (e.g., behagen ‘to please’) prefer an object-before-subject linearisation while the ones selecting an accusative object (e.g., bezaubern ‘to charm’) lean towards subject before object. With animate subjects, accusative-object experiencer-object verbs prefer subject before object, while there is no clear preference for dative-object experiencer-object verbs. An explorative investigation reveals verb-specific differences that call into question the case-based classes. We argue that linearisation preferences of experiencer-object verbs in German should be analysed by coupling free base generation with violable linearisation constraints. We provide an analysis along these lines, which is based on a semantic distinction and does not require case-based constraints.