Abstract

This paper deals with structures where Czech modal verbs (muset ‘must’, moci ‘can’, smět ‘be allowed’) combine, at surface, with an adverbial complement and which involve an event of movement to the place denoted by this complement. Since modal verbs normally select a VP complement, the question arises whether these structures contain an elided or a null verb GO, or whether modal verbs here directly select a directional adverbial, whose motion interpretation supplies a ‘missing’ verb of movement. We show in this paper that there is not enough evidence to posit a null lexical verb GO in the structures under discussion. We then argue that these structures are licensed by modality like non-finite or non-sentential whclauses that may also contain a directional adverbial without an overt verb of movement. However, in declarative clauses, which require a verbal head to bear tense and agreement feature and to support the negative prefix ne- expressing sentential negation, the modality must be overtly realized by a modal verb.

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