Abstract

Charlotte Perkins Gilman's (1898) and Economics stands as a landmark in the feminist economic analysis of gender relations and increasingly is also recognized as a pioneering work of American institutionalist economics (see Mary Ann Dimand, 1995). Because it stands out so strongly as a major contribution, and Economics has been perceived as an isolated work, apart from links to Lester Ward's sociology and parallels with the contemporary writings of Thorstein Veblen. This paper, however, views and Economics as the culmination of four decades of American feminist economic thought, beginning with Caroline Dall and Virginia Penny, and draws attention to Gilman's connection with that tradition through Helen Campbell. This tradition is so little known that the names of these four women do not even appear in Dorothy Ross's (1991) excellent Origins of American Social Science, even though Dall founded the American Social Science Association (ASSA), referred to by Ross (1991 p. 63) as the mother of associations, including the American Economic Association, and even though Campbell won a prize from the American Economic Association for Wage-Earners (Campbell, 1893), which was published with an introduction by Richard T. Ely. Caroline Wells Healey Dall (1822-1912) first became interested in feminism in 1837-1838 as a result of Harriet Martineau's (1837) chapter on The Political Non-existence of Women in the United States and an address on women's rights given at the Boston Lyceum by Amasa Walker, an underground railway activist soon to become professor of political economy at Oberlin. In 1841, Dall (then Caroline Healey) attended a series of ten weekly conversations led by the feminist author Margaret Fuller, publishing her notes of these conversations more than half a century later. While teaching school in Georgetown in the early 1840's before her marriage, she undertook the first census of free blacks in the District of Columbia, in order to organize schools for them, and in the early 1850s, while living in Toronto (where her husband was a Unitarian minister), she acted as Canadian agent for a society aiding fugitive slaves. Dall remained in her native Boston with her two children when her husband sailed to India as a missionary (where he stayed for the remaining 30 years of his life). She reported to a women's rights convention in Boston in 1855 on the legal status of women, following with a series of annual reports on that status, and with organization of the New England Rights Convention in Boston in 1859. A precursor of Charlotte Perkins Gilman among American feminists, Dall went beyond the suffrage question and unequal laws on property rights to a critique of the economic role of women in a series of three public lectures in Boston in November 1859, published as Woman's Right to Labor; or Low Wages and Hard Work (1860). Together with two series of lectures on women's right to education and rights under the law, this series was incorporated in Dall's major work, College, the Market, and the Courts; or Women's Relation to Education, Labor, and the Law (1867). Dall (1867 [1972 p. 179]) attributed women' s discontent to restricted opportunities for paid employment, for it was no longer the case that every woman found, in spinning, weaving, and sewing in the active life of a ... household, full employment for time and thought. In moving from a survey of women's unequal legal status to a critique of women' s repressed economic role, Dall followed the same path as the British activist Barbara Bodichon (whose 1859 pamphlet, and Work, appeared in a revised American edition in 1959) and, later, Jeanne Chauvin (1892) in France. * Department of Economics, Brock University, St. Ca tharines, Ontario L2S 3A1, Canada (e-mail: dimandCc adam.econ.brocku.ca).

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