Abstract

22 | International Union Rights | 24/2 REPORT | SOUTH AFRICA Militant Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) unionists in the 1980s swore the federation would never become a transmission belt for party politics. But like other post-independence African unions COSATU succumbed to temptation. Sucked into crippling ANC politics it expelled its largest and most independent union, the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa (NUMSA) in 2014 and its general secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi, the following year. These expulsions followed years of poor servicing, infighting, lack of recruitment and failure to organise millions of workers in atypical jobs. This breakdown was dramatically highlighted when COSATU’s then largest union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), lost 50,000 members on the Rustenburg platinum belt to the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU). This followed a police massacre of 34 mine workers (78 injured) in 2012 during an illegal strike, which the NUM failed to support. The once mighty COSATU - which played a critical role in the downfall of apartheid - now wobbles in a dangerously weakened state. Launch of New Federation On 21 April this year, a new federation arose – South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU). At the founding congress a constitution, name and logo were adopted by 1400 delegates from 24 unions with 700,000 members. SAFTU emerges after two years of discussion on trade union unity. Initially talks were held between NACTU (National Council of Trade Unions), FEDUSA (Federation of Unions of South Africa) and Vavi on the basis that unions should be independent from employers and political parties, worker-controlled and democratic. However both of the former later withdrew from talks. Negotiations nonetheless continued and in September 2015, 26 unions resolved to search for unity. A Workers’ Summit convened in April 2016 and was attended by 1500 delegates, representing 52 unions. Signalling the new federation’s rootedness in working class communities, 22 civil society organisations were invited as observers. At the Summit the launch of a new federation was endorsed. SAFTU’s Membership & Leadership Many SAFTU members come from NUMSA but some independent unions have also brought in substantial membership. Some splinters from exCOSATU affiliates, formed after factional struggles often in response to corruption and lack of servicing, have also joined SAFTU. Ex-COSATU affiliate, the Food & Allied Workers Union, came over in its entirety whilst other unions joined as independents. A further 16 union observers at the Congress may enter the federation at a later stage. In a departure from COSATU’s single sector union style of organising, SAFTU embraces both industrial and general unions. This raises the sticky question of how to build power in a particular sector and also the temptation for single sector unions to poach members from general, or smaller unions to build their power. As a number of SAFTU unions operate in the same sectors the congress strongly discouraged membership poaching. Mergers, co-operation and support for smaller affiliates were encouraged. The popular Vavi emerged as the general secretary. Leadership came from a range of sectors including the public service, metal and food. Regrettably however, despite the federations’ commitment to empowering women, none are present in the leadership. SAFTU is independent from political parties. It is a socialist inflected federation with a Pan-African outlook. It will set up a political and ideological commission to establish how to engage on the question of political influence and power. Some delegates supported NUMSA’s intention to establish a workers’ party. The federation aims to foster worker-controlled structures with high levels of leadership accountability to members. This democratic focus extends into the membership it aims to recruit, which will include workers from the informal sector as well as the unemployed. Organisation & Servicing is King SAFTU’s aspirations are lofty and inspired by the organisational power of COSATU in its days under apartheid. But it will not have the impetus that antiapartheid struggles gave the union movement in those times. Its first National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in May showed an awareness of the need to distinguish itself from COSATU. Its deliberations recognised the necessity for a strong organisational backbone and a focus on servicing members. Guided by Congress resolutions it fleshed...

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