Abstract

Abstract This paper provides two new arguments for the existence of the root as a level of representation in Semitic languages. The first argument, from the South Arabian language Mehri, presents a case of allomorphy in which the choice of the suffixal exponent is sensitive to the last vowel of its base, but not to its last consonant, even though the latter is closer to the position of the suffix than the former. Only an approach which distinguishes between a root and a template can explain this case by placing the template closer to the suffix than the root, against the linear order of segments. The second argument shows how in two Neo-Aramaic languages (Jewish Urmi and Jewish Arbel), only the consonants of verbs must be stored; all other verbal exponents are predictable on this basis.

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