Abstract

Lexical decision and naming were examined with words and pseudowords in literary Arabic and with transliterations of words in a Palestinian dialect that has no written form. Although the transliterations were visually unfamiliar, they were not easily rejected in lexical decision, and they were more slowly accepted in phonologically based lexical decision. Naming transliterations of spoken words was slower than naming of literary words and pseudowords. Apparently, phonological computation is mandatory for both lexical decision and naming. A large frequency effect in both lexical decision and naming suggests that addressed phonology is an option for familiar orthographic patterns. The frequency effect on processing transliterations indicated that lexical phonology is involved with prelexical phonological computation even if addressed phonology is not possible. These data support a combination between a cascade-type process, in which partial products of the grapheme-to-phoneme translation activate phonological units in the lexicon, and an interactive model, in which the activated lexical units feed back, shaping the prelexical phonological computation process.

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