NEW EUROPE AND ITS NEO-REGIONALISM: A WORKING CASE OF THE ‘COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRATIC CHOICE’

Abstract

1. Introduction to issue--a semantic approach The European Union (EU) is an ambitious project of international integration, which has resulted in creation of a vast geo-political region. For such a grouping to exist, its many actors--local, regional, national and supranational--have to actively commit to idea of an integrating and uniting Europe. It is a remarkable commitment, should we consider that, with exception of supranational actors, self-identification of other actors often occurs in terms of 'boundaries' and 'territorial demarcation' (Gerner 1999:180). With notion of being 'very essence of state' (Keating 1988:1), linking countries' political identity to notions of a 'place' or a 'homeland' (Keating 1998b:3), those at level of nation-state may be most cautious towards idea of Europe. Thus, very process of European integration is possible only if a European state shows economic interest, relative power, [and] credible commitments (Moravcsik 1998:4) towards its counterparts on continent. The key cleavages of European identity are not confined to geographical matters only, but also include numerous linguistic, religious, cultural, historical and economical fault lines. Unsurprisingly, modern-day EU resembles to some observers a jigsaw puzzle of several 'micro-Europes': market Europe, social Europe, [...] wealthy Europe, poorer Europe--east and west, north and south (Laffan 2004:77, 96). Yet, recognising that may be formed around inhabiting of a certain territory (Chimisso 2003:45), above listed points of divergence are argued to result in a very specific vision of Europe (and EU for that matter); that of Europe as a collection of regions (which is different from view of Europe as a collection of nation-states). Indeed, not only is EU a region in itself, but it is also a place where regionalism within and across EU Member States is a reality. Historically, EU's attitude to its internal regionalisation has been both accepting and supportive. In 1992, Maastricht Treaty (or Treaty on European Union) acknowledged ever-present European drive towards regionalisation by formalising establishment of Committee of Regions (COR). (1) Presumably, this provision was intended to legitimise importance of regional layer in rather complicated arrangement of EU governance. Although this layer functions below level of nation-states, COR also often possesses autonomous rights and powers to deal directly with pan-European governing bodies of EU and even foreign partners. Arguably, this original vision on internal regionalisation combines with EU's normative point of view on fundamental issue of true equality that it aims to achieve, primarily by respecting the national identities of its Member States. (2) Regional participation in European project has never been 'one fit' for all. On one hand, phenomenon of regionalism can be found in present-day Europe within a single state locality. Some of those regions are more politically articulated and active (such as Lander in Germany or Catalunya/Cataluna in Spain). Some are less politically pronounced (such as West Sweden, East Finland or West Zealand). Yet, all of them are represented in Brussels at level of lobbying offices (Lein-Mathisen 2004:93-114, Jones 1985:234), which pursue and keep alive so-called 'sub-state' or 'sub-national' external relations. In some European countries regionalism goes hand-in-hand with federalism where powerful local authorities co-exist with national ones (Keating 1998b:112115), for example, in Germany. In other cases, regionalism is interpreted as an intergovernmental cooperation across several states resulting in regional groupings within EU (the most influential of these being Western European Union comprised of Benelux countries, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and United Kingdom). …