Abstract

Robust and efficient speech perception relies on the interpretation of acoustically variable phoneme realizations, yet prior neuroimaging studies are inconclusive regarding the degree to which subphonemic detail is maintained over time as categorical representations arise. It is also unknown whether this depends on the demands of the listening task. We addressed these questions by using neural decoding to quantify the (dis)similarity of brain response patterns evoked during two different tasks. We recorded magnetoencephalography (MEG) as adult participants heard isolated, randomized tokens from a /ba/-/da/ speech continuum. In the passive task, their attention was diverted. In the active task, they categorized each token as ba or da. We found that linear classifiers successfully decoded ba vs. da perception from the MEG data. Data from the left hemisphere were sufficient to decode the percept early in the trial, while the right hemisphere was necessary but not sufficient for decoding at later time points. We also decoded stimulus representations and found that they were maintained longer in the active task than in the passive task; however, these representations did not pattern more like discrete phonemes when an active categorical response was required. Instead, in both tasks, early phonemic patterns gave way to a representation of stimulus ambiguity that coincided in time with reliable percept decoding. Our results suggest that the categorization process does not require the loss of subphonemic detail, and that the neural representation of isolated speech sounds includes concurrent phonemic and subphonemic information.

Highlights

  • Speech perception is defined as “the process that transforms speech input into a phonological representation of that input” (Samuel, 2011, p. 50)

  • Robust and efficient speech perception relies on the interpretation of acoustically variable phoneme realizations, yet prior neuroimaging studies are inconclusive regarding the degree to which subphonemic detail is maintained over time as categorical representations arise

  • Our results suggest that the categorization process does not require the loss of subphonemic detail, and that the neural representation of isolated speech sounds includes concurrent phonemic and subphonemic information

Read more

Summary

Introduction

Speech perception is defined as “the process that transforms speech input into a phonological representation of that input” (Samuel, 2011, p. 50). Speech perception is defined as “the process that transforms speech input into a phonological representation of that input” Whether that process is attributed to categorization (Holt & Lotto, 2010), pre-lexical abstraction (Obleser & Eisner, 2009), or recovery of the speaker’s motor intention (Liberman & Mattingly, 1985), the brain must undoubtedly solve a many-to-one mapping problem when confronted with a world of highly acoustically variable phoneme realizations. One clue to the nature of the neural solution to this problem is the behavioral phenomenon of categorical perception, in which sounds that vary continuously along. Acoustic dimensions are perceived to fall into discrete, linguistically meaningful categories, which suggests that the neural representation of speech input may undergo a rapid—perhaps obligatory—loss of subphonemic detail. We report a novel application of these approaches to studying the categorical perception of isolated speech syllables and the fate of subphonemic detail under different task demands

Objectives
Methods
Results
Discussion
Conclusion
Full Text
Published version (Free)

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call