Negation and focus in Hungarian: an Optimality Theory account

Abstract

In this paper, we present an Optimality Theory account of negation and focus in Hungarian. Unlike many recent formal analyses, for example, Puskás (1994, 1998), É.Kiss (1998b) and Newson (1998b), this account does not treat negation and focus as heading separate functional projections, nor does it assume that principles such as the Neg‐Criterion (Haegeman and Zanuttini 1991) or the Focus‐Criterion (Brody 1990, 1995; É.Kiss 1998a) lie behind the placement of negative or focused phrases. Instead, following a line of analysis initiated by Horváth (1986), Kenesei (1986) and É.Kiss (1987, 1992, 1994), we develop a model of the Hungarian predicate based purely on verbal projections. It is then proposed that, following the principles of Optimality Theory, the surface alignment of negative and focused phrases in Hungarian can be derived from a language‐particular ranking of universal but violable constraints.