Abstract
AbstractTaiwan suffered the third largest national outbreak of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) during the first half of 2003. A crisis often illuminates issues of power and control, and the SARS crisis highlighted important patterns in Taiwan's utilization of foreign labour in general and foreign domestic labour in particular. Firstly, inequalities between Taiwanese citizens and non‐Taiwanese migrant domestic workers were both magnified and illuminated at the level of nation and at the level of household in terms of confinement. Secondly, the generalization and intensification of existing patterns of abuse resulted in this abuse coming to light in the public arena. Notably, these issues only became known when they were brought to the attention of both the public and the state, and this occurred largely through the actions of Filipina domestic workers via the media and non‐governmental organizations (NGOs). The reason that such issues could be brought into the open for public debate was a matter of nationality. Importantly, the epidemic served to articulate the issue of the differential access of migrant domestic workers to information about their rights and the range of factors that facilitate or impede such access.This paper explores the centrality of issues of nationality to understanding the migration experiences of Indonesian and Filipina domestic workers in Taiwan by considering how SARS played out for them in terms of their occupational location, their national background, their access to support and information networks regarding rights, and their official representation. The paper seeks to expand our understanding of the experiences of migrant domestic workers in Taiwan by means of my research on Indonesian domestic workers. However, I would argue that this case study is not just an empirical curiosity but that it is instructive in a broader theoretical sense. Understanding the nationality issue stands at the core of understanding the diversity of experiences of migrant domestic workers in any given geographic and temporal location. If we combine this factor together with the key variables of the relationship to the state and the relationship to the employer, as Bridget Anderson (2000) suggests, we move closer to a more incisive and less reductionist understanding of the factors which shape the living and working conditions of migrant domestic workers.
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