Abstract
A correct assessment of Longfield's place in the development of economic thought depends rather crucially on dismantling the myth, perpetuated by Schumpeter as well as other historians of economic thought, that Longfield was an archfoe of the labor theory of who set out to establish marginal utility tradition at Trinity College, Dublin. What I shall indicate, in the course of this study, is that it was Thomas R. Malthus, rather than the utility theorist Jean Baptiste Say, who furnished Longfield with the tools he needed to combat Ricardo's cost-of-production theory of price. I shall argue that in the area of theory, Longfield's disagreement with Ricardo revolved about the problem of explaining price. On the issue of the and measure of exchange value, Longfield did not depart substantially from Ricardo's teachings. Longfield's analysis of price must be regarded as one of the early attempts to develop the supply-and-demand theory into more powerful tool of analysis and to go beyond the vague but popular notion of his day that it is the ratio between demand and supply which determines price. He did this by introducing the concept of marginal demand into the sphere of price determination. This permitted him to develop the notion of demand schedule and thereby analyze in much detail the economics of what Alfred Marshall later called the short period. A summary of Longfield's price theory is presented in Section I of this article. (1) In Section II, I critically reexamine the existing body of Longfieldian literature and offer an alternative assessment of the significance of Longfield's price theory and its place in the history of economic thought. Section III is discussion of the extent to which Longfield's theory of price actually influenced subsequent thought in Ireland, and concluding Section IV follows. I Longfield's Theory of Market Price Longfield developed supply-and-demand explanation of price at time when the Ricardians complained that supply-and-demand explanations were vague and misleading. According to Ricardo, it is of that is the real and ultimate regulator of the prices of reproducible commodities sold in competitive markets. Supply and demand account only for temporary deviations in commodity's price around what it costs to produce it, but in the long run (i.e., ultimately) it is the cost of production which determines price. (2) Ricardo was aware of the fact that his of value did not apply to all commodities traded. Non-reproducible commodities such as old paintings and rare wines, as well as monopolized goods and internationally traded commodities, would sell at prices totally divorced from their original cost. This, however, did not impair the usefulness of his because, as Ricardo explained, these commodities form very small part of the mass of commodities daily exchanged in the market (Principles, p. 12). Apparently, Ricardo was not driven by an aesthetic passion to develop unified theory to explain price at all times and for all commodities. As one commentator pointed out, Ricardo preferred a clear and simple law which is not quite universal to universal law which is not so clear and simple. (3) It is important to note that Ricardo's criticisms of the supply-and-demand theory are in most cases directed against single version of that theory which, he believed, had become almost an axiom in economics at the time he was writing. (4) This was the view that it is the proportion between demand and supply that explains either the level of or changes in price. (5) Ricardo found this theory the source of much error in the science, since he could name instances where both demand and supply increase at the same rate while the price falls. (6) In addition, and perhaps more important, Ricardo found this supply-and-demand explanation unsatisfactory because it did not explain the level of price, only its short-run variations. …
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