Abstract
The assumption of power as South Africa’s president by Cyril Ramaphosa brought about an interesting dimension in the ‘coverage’ of the president by different news media. Ramaphosa took over from Jacob Zuma, probably the most lampooned and ridiculed South African head of state with a litany of negative traits such as being accused of and appearing in court for rape and corruption and having motions of no confidence in parliament. When Ramaphosa assumed power, he made himself available and asked South Africans to ‘Thuma mina’ (Send me). His servant-leadership approach was soon to be tested when the global COVID-19 pandemic struck, leading to economic lockdowns to curtail the effects of the virus. At the same time, cases of corruption began to emerge related to the looting of funds designated for the relief of affected citizens. At the same time, pressured by the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters, a radical youth-run party, Ramaphosa seemed to openly adopt the land reform project, an economic reforming enterprise that brought the country’s northern neighbour, Zimbabwe, to its knees. The African National Congress (ANC), it would seem, became divided into pro-economic transformation and pro-capital factions. Ramaphosa undoubtedly belonged to the latter. This division has tended to colour media coverage, with pro-capital media being labelled Thuma Mina Media and those against Ramaphosa’s posture being labelled Radical Economic Transformation media. This chapter is therefore an exploration of how ordinary citizens, using social media, are able to monitor and point out journalists and journalistic works that do not serve the interests of the ordinary reading and viewing public but rather those of the ‘factions’ within the ruling ANC and within the country. To do this, the chapter looks at two specific events in South Africa’s history: the alleged birth of ten babies to one woman and the ensuing media controversy and 2021 protests, looting and arson that were triggered by the arrest of former president Jacob Zuma. The chapter argues that media consumers, using social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook, are capable of monitoring, peer reviewing and critiquing journalists, the fourth estate, thereby assuming the ‘office’ of the fifth estate. The fifth estate monitors, critiques and watchdogs the watchdogs.
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