Abstract

This conflict was strongest in Minangkabau society, from which a relatively large proportion of young intellectuals, especially teachers, was recruited. This West Sumatran society has been, and still is to a certain extent, characterized by a matrilineal kinship structure, and associated with this is matrilocal marriage: 84 kinship is reckoned along the maternal line, inheritance (especially of land, the most important family property) goes primarily from mother to daughter, the children of a marriage belong to the wife’s family, and the husband comes to live in the family house of his wife, but to a large extent remains a stranger there. He is primarily responsible for his sister’s children, whereas his wife’s brother, especially the oldest, the mamak or maternal uncle, is supposed to take care of his children. The initiative for a marriage often comes from the woman’s family, which traditionally “invites” a man (mendjemput). Polygamy is very frequent, a man has very few social obligations to the family of his wives, and it is considered an enhancement of status to be “invited” by several people. As long as the adult young man is not married, there is nowhere for him to stay; he is too old to sleep in the family house of his mother, where his brothers-in-law stay and spend the night with his sisters, he would feel malu, lose face when being confronted with them at night; he customarily sleeps in the surau, the religious centre of the village, or he leaves his kampung, his village, temporarily, and goes abroad (merantau) as a trader or earns his living in some other way, to acquire experience. Then, enriched with money and prestige, he returns as a popular candidate for marriage. A very vivid description of the life of a young Minangkabau man has been given by Muhammad Radjab in his autobiographical notes Semasa Ketjil Dikampung (My Childhood in the Village, 1950).85

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