Abstract
This paper explores degree modifiers licensed exclusively by metalinguistic negation (MN), and compare them with those licensed by descriptive negation (DN) such as NPIs. It shows how MN-licensing is more marked than DN-licensing in prosody and then attempts to show how anomalies arising from misplacing MN-licensed adverbs in DN-requiring short form negation sentences elicit the approximate N400 but not the P600 in ERPs. This strongly suggests that such anomalies are meaning-related and tends to support the pragmatic ambiguity position by Horn rather than the contextualist or relevance-theoretic approach.
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