Abstract

Malaysian politics have been in upheaval since Dr Mohamad sacked his deputy; Anwar Ibrahim, in September 1998. That made 1999 elections one of most keenly contested ever. For first time, ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) faced coalition of major opposition parties, campaigning on common reform platform. result was strong win for BN (148 of 193 seats) but great setback for UMNO, dominant coalition member, which lost 22 seats. Non-Malay support for BN generally held firm, while Malays -- reacting against government's handling of Anwar issue - shifted to opposition. Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and keADILan (led by Anwar's wife) were main beneficiaries. PAS, benefiting from its identification with reformasi, emerged as new parliamentary opposition leader, and heads state governments in Kelantan and Terengganu. Introduction Initial reports on Malaysia's 29 November 1999 elections carried mixed assessments. By some accounts, results were an overwhelming endorsement of Prime Minister Dr Mohamad and ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN). coalition, according to Associated Press won resounding victory[ldots]after year of political and economic turmoil that threatened Malaysian leader's reign. Asian Wall Street Journal endorsed this view, arguing that despite concerns over Anwar Ibrahim, electors chose stability over concern for political freedoms. Thomas Fuller in International Herald Tribune, however, declared that although election was convincing win for government, it was also striking loss for politically dominant party of Prime Minister, United Malays National Organization (UMINO). Malaysian papers also reflected this divide. New Straits Times declared that the Barisan Nasional's resounding win in 10th general election is undisputed proof of people's overwhelming support for coalition; but Star headed one of its articles UMNO's Worst Fears Come True. [1] Another element in election assessments was emphasis on gains made by Parti Islam SeMalaysia. PAS, as it is known from its Jawi abbreviation, was nearly always described as fundamentalist, and its gains were seen as reflection of problematic shift towards Islamization. Islamists close on Mahathir was worried title of Times article by David Watts. [2] These different perspectives mirror broader debate over political change in Malaysia. Do events since onset of Asian economic crisis in mid-1997, particularly protests associated with sacking of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in September 1998, represent beginnings of political change in Malaysia, or is it politics as usual? Despite drama of events since Anwar's sacking, many in foreign media have concluded that Dr remains firmly in control, and nothing has really changed. Malaysia is exception to regional move towards reform, seen particularly in Indonesia and Thailand. A third perspective is that focusing on respective sides represented by Dr and Anwar misses point. It ignores, in words of writer Karim Raslan, a far deeper and more important societal shift -- increasing Islamisation of country's majority Malay Muslim population. [3] Elections in Malaysia are not open, uncertain contests leading to frequent changes of government found in other polities. Electorates are heavily weighted in favour of rural constituencies, benefiting particularly Malays (hence, traditionally, UMNO), and indigenous groups in Sabah and Sarawak. advantages of incumbency, and almost total control over media, give government parties an overwhelming advantage. As Harold Crouch has observed: The Malaysian electoral system could not be described as fair. It was so heavily loaded in favor of government that it was hard to imagine that ruling coalition, as long as it remained united, could be defeated in an election. …

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