Abstract
In classic Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), markedness constraints evaluate output well-formedness, whereas faithfulness constraints evaluate input-output disparity. Thus, markedness constraints have access only to the output while faithfulness constraints view both the input and the output. Current research in phonology suggests, however, that the boundary between markedness and faithfulness constraints is no longer clear-cut. See, for example, comparative markedness (McCarthy, this volume), local conjunction (Smolensky 1995), preserve contrast (oubowicz 2003), targeted constraints (Wilson 2001). In what follows, I will seek a parallel between comparative markedness and local conjunction, both of which propose constraints that infringe on the territory of markedness and faithfulness.
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