Abstract
The aberrant form of the nom. pl. of Balt. active participles (Lith. vedą̃ etc.) has been aptly explained (Cowgill, partly anticipated by Endzelīns) as the intrusion of the old finite 3. pl. (< PIE *wedʰonti etc.) into the nominal paradigm of the participle. However, it has been unnoticed so far that the accentuation of the form – synchronically completely isolated and unexpected, as the only end-stressed athematic nom. pl. – is also explained by, and therefore corroborates, this theory. The accent corresponds exactly to the PBSl. reconstruction 3. pl. pres. *wedantı̍ (conceivably, although less plausibly, PBSl. *weda̍nti) pointed to by Proto-Slavic *vedǫtь̍.Neįprasta bl. veikiamųjų dalyvių nom. pl. forma (lie. vedą̃ ir t. t.) buvo tinkamai išaiškinta (Cowgill, iš dalies jau Endzelīns) kaip senojo praes. 3. pl. (< ide. *wedʰonti ir t. t.) įsibrovimas į nominalinę dalyvio paradigmą. Vis dėlto iki šiol liko nepastebėta, kad šios formos kirčiavimas (sinchroniniu požiūriu visiškai izoliuotas ir netikėtas, kadangi tai – vienintelis galūnėje kirčiuojamo atematinio nom. pl. pavyzdys) taip pat gali būti paaiškintas pagal šią teoriją ir tokiu būdu ją patvirtinti. Kirčiavimas tiksliai atitinka bl.-sl. rekonstrukciją praes. 3. pl. *wedantı̍ (įmanomas ir mažiau tikėtinas variantas bl.-sl. *weda̍nti), kurią leidžia rekonstruoti sl. *vedǫtь̍.
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