Abstract
ABSTRACTThis article discusses the case of refugees who are LGBT, and the possible grounds for using LGBT status as a basis for prioritizing LGBT persons in refugee admissions. I argue that those states most willing and able to protect LGBT persons against a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status over non-LGBT refugees in refugee admissions. These states – typically, Western liberal democracies – are uniquely positioned to provide effective protection for refugees who are LGBT, owing to the failures of other, also refugee receiving, states to do so. The case for prioritizing refugees with LGBT status is built upon two interrelated factors. First, on the specific vulnerability of LGBT persons to a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices, and second, on the relatively low number of countries that are both willing and able to protect LGBT persons against such injustices.
Highlights
There are over 70 countries in the world that criminalize same-sex sexual activity or ‘promotion’ of such activity (ILGA 2017)
I argue that those states most willing and able to protect LGBT persons against a variety of () non-asylum-grounding injustices have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status over non-LGBT refugees in refugee admissions
I have argued that those states best positioned to protect LGBT persons within their territories – typically, Western liberal democracies – have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status in refugee admissions
Summary
There are over 70 countries in the world that criminalize same-sex sexual activity or ‘promotion’ of such activity (ILGA 2017). I argue that those states most willing and able to protect LGBT persons against a variety of () non-asylum-grounding injustices have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status over non-LGBT refugees in refugee admissions.
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