Abstract
This study documents and accounts for the behavior of the place of articulation of latent segments in the Panoan languages Shipibo-Konibo and Capanahua. In these languages, the lexical category of the word governs the place of articulation (PoA) of latent consonants. Latent segments only surface when they are syllabified as syllable onsets. They surface as coronal consonants when they are part of verbs; but they occur as non-coronal consonants when they belong to nouns or adjectives. In non-verb forms, by default, they are neutralized to dorsal in Shipibo-Konibo, and to labial in Capanahua. The analysis proposed consists in using the well-known markedness hierarchy on PoA, |Labial, Dorsal > Coronal > Pharyngeal|, and harmonically aligning it with a morphological markedness hierarchy in which non-verb forms are more marked than verb forms: |NonVerb > Verb|. This creates two fixed rankings of markedness constraints: one on verb forms in which, as expected, coronal/laryngeal is deemed the least marked PoA, and another one on non-verb forms in which the familiar markedness on PoA is reversed so that labial and dorsal become the least marked places of articulation. The study shows that although both Panoan languages follow the general cross-linguistic tendency to have coronal as a default PoA, this default can be overridden by morphology.
Highlights
The goal of this article is to present and account for a rare morpho-phonological interaction found in Panoan languages like Shipibo-Konibo and Capanahua: the interplay between word-lexical category and the place of articulation (PoA) of latent segments
This study has provided extensive evidence that Panoan languages like ShipiboKonibo and Capanahua have latent segments
Latent segments only manage to surface when they are parsed as syllable onsets
Summary
The goal of this article is to present and account for a rare morpho-phonological interaction found in Panoan languages like Shipibo-Konibo and Capanahua: the interplay between word-lexical category and the place of articulation (PoA) of latent segments. Both Shipibo-Konibo and Capanahua have a suffix that to Both languages display a main-stress formed by the the a[–con first that lack a specification for window inattaches the oral cavity: nast as segments and [+nasal]. Istic of [N]-coda is that completely nasalizes all vowels syllable in the bare forms because those syllables are closed Since those nouns end inand glides as [+consonantal, Crucially, it lacks the [–c nomenon is responsible for the and nasalized vowels observed in both la a consonant, they receive the /-aN/ allomorph, the second for syllable of thethe oral cav sent in otherwhich nasals,turns and a specification. _ nomenon is responsible for the nasalized vowels observed in both b
Sign-in/Register to view highlights & summary Sign-in/Register to access full text options 
Free) 
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a call
