Lenition in Gaalpu: An Optimality Theoretic Analysis

Abstract

Continuant–stop alternations are a common pattern among Australian languages, such as in Yolngu Matha, Mawng and Wubuy. Some of these alternations have been hitherto analysed as lenition (e.g. Yolngu), while others have been argued to be hardening processes (e.g. Wubuy). Lenition processes of this kind are difficult to account for in various models of phonology, because they are conditioned by a two-sided context. This paper presents an analysis, couched in Optimality Theory, of one such lenition pattern in Gaalpu, a Yolngu variety. I show that the process can be succinctly analysed in terms of two constraints: a constraint on consonant strength across syllable boundaries, and a constraint against non-continuants in a sonorous context (following Kingston's [2008] recent work). I argue that this analysis is superior to existing accounts precisely because it is able to capture the role of both the preceding segment and following segment in conditioning lenition. I show in addition that the alternation in Wubuy, previously analysed as hardening, can also be analysed succinctly using the same hierarchy proposed for the lenition process in Gaalpu.