Learning Disabilities, Juvenile Delinquency and the Family: The Role of “Intensive Parenting”

Abstract

Many scholars have examined the possible link and prevalence between learning disabilities and juvenile delinquency (Brier, 1989; Broder, Dunivant, Smith, & Sutton, 1981; Malmgren, Abbott, & Hawkins 1999; McNamara & Willoby, 2010; Morris & Morris, 2006; Oshima, Huang, Jonson-Reid, Drake, 2010; Quinn, Rutherford, Leone, Osher, Poirier, 2005), but questions regarding the nature of this relationship still remain. This research tradition however, has generated several main hypotheses to account for the higher incidence of delinquency among individuals with learning disabilities. Most discussion of causal linkages emphasizes school failure, differential treatment, or the susceptibility hypothesis (Dunivant, 1982; Larson, 1988; Smith, 1998).While these hypotheses focus on a variety of factors and causal linkages, one domain of influence that has been neglected is that of the family. Parents may be frustrated by their child's disability and all that it entails, or they may be frustrated by the child's inability to do well in school. The family may facilitate getting him/her the help to achieve various developmental tasks, as well as act as advocate for their child both academically and socially. These and other parental tasks and reactions can influence the socialization practices in the family. Despite the likely influence of the family, little research has explored the family impact and the role parenting processes play in the learning disability-juvenile delinquency connection.In 1976, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention began an investigation of the possibility of a learning disability-juvenile-delinquency link. This marked the beginning of an increased period of research on the topic, as well as proposed explanations for the possible link. Although it would appear that a link exists, it is unclear whether the link is causal or, alternatively, spurious, if juvenile delinquency and learning disabilities both have common factors. Malmgren, Abbott and Hawkins (1999) suggest that it may be too early to postulate an explanatory theory that there is a direct link, and suggest, instead, a continuation of exploratory research on the link itself.According to federal government figures, public schools in America have identified over 6 million children, ages 3 to 21 years of age, being served under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, Part B, in 2009-2010 (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2012). Of these individuals it has been found that young individuals with learning disabilities are more likely than individuals without disabilities to engage in delinquent behavior (Brier, 1989; Larson, 1988; McNamara & Willoughby, 2010; Oshima & Jonson-Reid, 2010; Pickar & Tori 1986). Individuals with disabilities are also disproportionately represented in juvenile detention facilities and correctional facilities (Morris & Morris, 2006; Shandra & Hogan, 2012).Theories detailing the causes of juvenile delinquency are widespread and focus on many biological, psychological, and sociological variables. Criminological theories of delinquency under sociology emphasize variables including race, class, and gender. However, these theories overlook individual characteristics such as learning disabilities.Juvenile delinquents and students with learning disabilities possess many of the same characteristics. Poor academic achievement, short attention spans, impulse control problems, and lack of motivation are characteristics associated with both learning disability and delinquency. Other shared characteristics include negative self concepts, low frustration tolerance, greater prevalence of males than females, poor academic problem solving, and weak social skills (Gallico, Burns, & Grob, 1988; Smith, 1998; Winters 1997; White, Moffitt, Earls, Robins & Silva, 1990). Researchers have used three main hypotheses to establish a connection between individuals with learning disabilities and juvenile delinquency. …