‘Laying out a Model Village’: George Gushue-Taylor and Missionary Leprosy Work in Colonial Taiwan

At a time when colonial governments were reluctant to launch comprehensive anti-leprosy programmes in the first half of the twentieth century, international charity organisations and medical missionary workers were keen on tackling this highly moralised disease. The same applied in colonial Taiwan under Japanese rule. Following the works of Michael Worboys, Sanjiv Kakar and others, the present study looks into the work of charitable and religious organisations through a historical account of the career of the Canadian leprologist Dr George Gushue-Taylor (1883–1954).

It is widely accepted that constitutionalism – separation of powers – has made a fundamental development in the 19th century, whereas much less attention has been paid to the colonial law of the same century, which also played a significant role in the mother nations overseas territories. During the period, constitution steadily functioned with the ruling power in these mother nations, and it was not totally irrelevant even when the ruling power ran into the colonies, as mother nation’s political systems were already based on their constitutions. Whereas administrative power should be subject to the limitation by law in mother nations, the limitation would sometimes be lifted for some reason in the colonies. This thesis focuses its attention on this legal situation that could be seen as mother nation’s rule of law and its limitation, and by comparing Taiwan under Japanese rule with British India and Kiautschou, the German Schutzgebiet in China, tries to find what could be regarded as peculiar features of the Japanese colonial ruling system. In English law, protection of basic rights, those concerning physical freedom in particular, depends on habeas corpus, a procedural remedy for the accused in court. However, if its historical background was considered, the legal nature of its protection is the intervention of royal prerogative, on the condition of the reciprocal contract relations between the king and his subjects. However in British India, issuance of the writ was often suspended by the court for some reasons, making the legal protection less active than in the mother country. Germany in the 19th century was constitutional monarchy like Japan, however for its “Schutzgebiet”, the german government and public law jurists took the stance of non-extension of its constitution. The “vorbehalt des Gesetzes” therefore did not always extend to its colonies. On the other hand in Taiwan, the Japanese government supported the stance of extending its constitution since the very early period. In Taiwan, the extent of exceptional situation such as military administration in the early stage, summary execution, and aboriginal administration and constitutional administration was limited. The constitutional ruling depended on the famous “Act No. 63 of 1896”, which comperehensively delegated the Diet’s legislative power to the Governor-General’s order (Ritsurei). Under this system, a new custom of quoting the content of the laws of Japan proper that were not yet enforced in Taiwan, through the form of Ritsurei, rapidly appeared in the area of criminal law. For example, Criminal Code quoted by Ritsurei was never enforced in Taiwan, therefore other Ritsureis could freely set any “modifications” on the Criminal Code. A classic example of this custom was the famous “Bandit Punishment Ordinance” that sentenced death to thousands. This thesis used the judgment documents of the about 2,600 accused by the ordinance, which were found in the “Taiwan Colonial Court Records Archives”, to find the court’s theory and its statistical overview. It was confirmed that the most significant vioration of basic rights under constitution was made by this ordinance, suggesting that the most important legal feature of Japanese rule was infringement on the “vorbehalt des Gesetzes” through delegated legislation. In the latter half of the Japanese rule the ordinance was no longer used, and the police power played more important role concerning the infringement of the basic rights. Police activity could be classified into police offenses (judiciary) and administrative detention. When compared to the huge discrepancy in legislation between Japan proper and Taiwan, in the area of police power the difference seems to be much smaller. As a whole, under the Japanese constitutional rule, legislative element (constitution, delegated legislation, Vorbehalt des Gesetzes, nulla poena sine lege, criminal justice) exerted in size and quality far larger infringement on basic rights than the administrative element (ruling power, police power, administrative discretion), which could be described as “violence by legislation”.

The household registry system of colonial Taiwan was closely associated with the police and ho-kō (poa-chia in Chinese), and the colonial regime utilized the data collected through census as a tool to control Taiwan. This paper traced the origin and transformation of the household registry system in Taiwan under Japanese rule. It was found that household surveys conducted prior to 1905 focused mainly on social control and security. In 1905, the first island-wide census was launched which laid the foundation for the current household registry system. The racial classification employed in the census registry portrayed the social reality of colonial Taiwan. The different racial categories demonstrated not only the co-existence of ethnic varieties, but also the ambitious control of the colonial regime. The 1950s saw the drastic transformation of ethnic identities when the Plains Aborigines gave up their original identity and became assimilated as Han Chinese. Only until the 1990s did the Plains Aborigines resume their own ethnic identity. The paper emphasizes the context regulating racial classification during the colonial period in order to clarify the issue of postwar identification of Plains Aborigines.

This article examines the origin of the stories in Tao-Xian Ye's Chai He Jing Yuan, from which we can have some understanding about how classic Chinese novels were rewritten in Taiwan under Japanese rule. Chai He Jing Yuan is not an original work; Tao-Xian Ye wrote it by imitating the style as well as the content of many classic Chinese novels. In this way, Chai He Jing Yuan inherits many characteristics of those classic Chinese novels. On the other hand, it cannot get rid of many drawbacks of rewriting classic novels in Qing dynasty. For example, the use of words is out of fashion, and there are doubts of imitation and plagiarism. Among many rewritten novels in Taiwan, Chai He Jing Yuan has as its target of imitation the most classic novels. Thus we can know something about the how classic Chinese novels in Qing dynasty were read by Taiwanese people under Japanese rule. The most important contribution of this paper is to provide profound insights into the development of Taiwanese novels during Japanese rule.

The anti-malaria program in colonial Taiwan has always been regarded as a scientific and modern disease control policy, or been described as a success in implementing the ”anti-parasite measure”. This paper argues that the anti-malaria policy under Japanese rule was not wholly based on professional knowledge, and the policymaking process, instead of being consistent or static, involved dynamic revisions and frequent compromises with reality. The Geography Information System (GIS) is employed in this study as a tool for handling spatial data, analysis and map-making. Since the ”anti-parasite measure” had been implemented at selected points initially, GIS proves to be very efficient in mapping the locations of these points. The distribution analysis shows that these points were chosen not according to scientific epidemiological investigation. Rather they were selected to protect the Japanese and their interests. This also provides evidence that the spread of malaria is closely related to regional environmental development. Since 1919, the focus of the anti-malaria program had shifted from ”anti-parasite” to ”anti-mosquito”. This drastic change in policy was neither an accident nor a coincidence. The remarkable worldwide success of the anti-mosquito strategy in the 1910s had aroused great hope in this prevention approach. At the same time, Taiwan suffered from another outbreak of malaria after the anti-parasite measure had been practiced for some years. These two reasons contributed to the change in the disease control strategy. However, the anti-mosquito approach in Taiwan proved to be fruitless for several reasons. First, unlike other countries, this measure was carried out in colonial Taiwan by district officials who only received short-term expertise training. As a result, wrong decisions were inevitable. Moreover, residents were often forced to comply with the government measures without any compensation. Their reluctance worsened the situation and the anti-mosquito program was doomed to failure. In the late 1920s, with the optimism of the anti-mosquito measure gradually fading, and the lukewarm effort of the government in its implementation, the anti-parasite measure once again became the main strategy of the anti-malaria program under Japanese rule. Prior researches on the anti-malaria program in colonial Taiwan have much simplified the scene. In fact, there was an inconsistency between principle and practice. It is this inconsistency that reflects the real essence of the anti-malaria program in colonial medicine: Using the simplest method to achieve the maximum effects. Through the above-mentioned observations, this paper aims to clarify fallacies in previous studies, and tries to point out the unique features of the anti-malaria program in colonial Taiwan.

For a long time, indigenous peoples lived alone in Taiwan according to their own laws. The Dutch and Spanish, the first foreign rulers in Taiwanese history, claimed their sovereignty over Taiwan in accordance with European international law, treated indigenous peoples, called ＂Formosan,＂ as subjects under European-style legal system. The Koxinga regime established by Han Chinese considered indigenous peoples with obedience to be barbarian, rather than civilized subjects, and regarded those indigenous peoples who were not ruled by this regime as non-human beings by setting up a boundary to block off them. The Qing Dynasty followed the attitude toward indigenous peoples mentioned above and thus divided them into ＂plains aborigines＂ (mature barbarian) and ＂mountain aborigines＂ (raw barbarian). The former were ruled by the Qing Empire but lived in a special area to segregate them from the Han Chinese settlers in Taiwan. The latter were not ruled by the Qing administration and resided in ＂outside borders.＂ However, because the Qing government allowed Han Chinese to lease the land of plains aborigines, their land was finally controlled by Han Chinese settlers, and plains aborigines were gradually assimilated by Han Chinese during the period of Qing’s rule in Taiwan. Furthermore, after 1874, the Qing Empire began to manage the land of mountain aborigines, who have suffered the threat from the assimilation of Han Chinese from then to the present days. A modern state began to dominate the people in Taiwan after prewar Japanese Empire acquired the sovereignty of this island. Plains aborigines were merged into the Taiwanese, called ＂islanders＂ in the positive law. Mountain aborigines, generally called ＂aborigines＂ only during the Japanese period, resided in the ＂aboriginal land,＂ where was the land of ＂outside borders＂ in the Qing period. Some aboriginal land was incorporated into ＂ordinary administrative area＂ later, and those mountain aborigines who resided in the ordinary administrative area were called ＂plains mountain aborigines.＂ Furthermore, only a part of aboriginal land was reserved for the use of ＂mountain aborigines in aboriginal land＂ by the Japanese authorities. Apparently, the living space and the number of mountain aborigines decreased under the Japanese rule. Legal affairs of mountain aborigines were managed with by the discretion of special policemen for them with the exception that some of those mountain aborigines who resided in the ordinary administrative area had opportunities to contact the modern law because of their access to the modern court. Ironically, legal traditions of mountain aborigines to a certain extent became active in their daily lives because it was not necessary for the police to govern the legal affairs of mountain aborigines by the law in colonial Taiwan, which had was always modeled on the modern law shaped by the West. In post-war Taiwan, the Kuomintang (KMT) regime considered mountain aborigines as a special group of peoples who resided in ＂mountain area,＂ namely aboriginal land in the Japanese period, and therefore called them ＂mountain compatriots.＂ Those citizens belonging to mountain compatriots were mostly treated in law the same as those of other citizens. However, some of mountain aborigines did not reside in the so-called mountain area after the Japanese rule in Taiwan. As a consequence, mountain aborigines were divided into ＂mountain-area mountain compatriots＂ and ＂plains mountain compatriots＂ in the positive law in postwar Taiwan. The existence of mountain aborigines has been completely denied in the law. Not surprisingly, the scope and living space of indigenous peoples were reduced again by the KMT regime. Under the policy of assimilation, the legal traditions of indigenous peoples were always neglected by the positive law in postwar Taiwan. Until the 1990s, there was a big change for the legal attitude toward indigenous peoples in Taiwan. The indigenous peoples have become an entity in politics and in the positive law after several amendments of the constitution of Taiwan in the 1990s. Many rights of indigenous peoples have been recognized in statutes of present Taiwan; however, the enforcement of these statutes is still poor. The idea of rule of law is not significant for indigenous peoples unless the legal culture of them has been adopted or respected by the law.

There is a tendency within research on Japanese Colonialism to idealize Taiwan under Japanese rule as a “model colony.” This paper questions such narratives and asks what implications this assumption has for historiographical studies on colonial Taiwan. Research based on the idea of Taiwan as a “model colony” promotes the idea of a linear modernization during colonial rule in Taiwan and leads to the assumption that uprisings or colonial violence occurred only at the beginning of colonial rule. With a few exceptions, most recent studies use cultural‐historical approaches and focus on colonial modernity or colonial governmentality, agency, and hybridity on the basis of postcolonial studies and their theoretical agenda. Therefore, the so‐called scientific colonialism – often seen as the specific characteristic of colonial rule in Taiwan – is not linked to colonial violence. The thesis of this paper, however, is that scientific colonialism as a form of rule did not exhaust itself in ‘civilizational achievements’ such as the introduction of contemporary medical treatments or road construction. Rather, a reciprocal relationship emerged between knowledge production and the use of violence. On the one hand, the aim of knowledge production was to pacify the island and keep violence in check. On the other hand, however, the government instrumentalized the knowledge it had gained, subsequently using it to perpetrate further violence. Taiwan, therefore, did not see a linear civilizing progression and, moreover, violence did not decline steadily.

This paper takes the investigation and arrangement of rinya (forests and wild land) as its focus, accompanied with the triangulation of historical materials to discuss if the interpretations of such investigation and arrangement of rinya in Taiwan's shihonshugika (the transition to capitalism) by researchers from Tadao Yanaihara downward are appropriate. In addition, this paper also introduces the colonial administration's view toward forests, the unintended consequences generated after the connection of different institutions, and the heterogeneities of forest resources to explain in a holistic scale how the rinya was incorporated into colonial control, allocated to different stakeholders, and then reached ”shihonshugika”. At the beginning of Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan, the colonial administration divided the rinya into forest lands and forest products through institutions so as to identify the contents of stakeholders' rights. While confronting the existing customary practices of foresty in Taiwan's society, there were problems of articulating the customary practices and new regulations that frequently occurred. The primary resolution did not come out until the establishment of engokanke-rinya (occupation relationships) after the investigation of rinya. As a comparison, although the capitalists that resided in the government-owned rinya under the consideration of the domestication of the indigenous people and wastelands development deployed takushokukeiei (management by colonizing and reclaiming) mainly to the forest lands, the revenue that eminated from the forest products was the important incentive of accelerating the alliance of capitalists and government. After undertaking the arrangement of government-owned rinya in the 1920s, the colonial administration divided the government-owned rinya into preserved and non-preserved areas, while at the same time sorting out the forest people and their engokanke-rinya. Through property devolving, knowledge inculcation and law enforcement, the colonial administration tried to convert these people who resided around the government-owned rinya into forest managers who could live on their own and be no harm to forest protection. Benefits to forest products and lumber industries came about due to World War Ⅰ. However, those capitalists located in the non-preserved rinya and who were unable to arrange in time took liberty of the war and the convenience of colonizing and reclaiming the forest lands to undertake operations that resulted in serious deforestation, which did not comply with the conservation ideas prescribed in forest law. Thus, the colonial administration not only concentrated on the authority of the national forests, but also integrated the strengths of capitalists to manage the national forests efficiently. This government-led model was unexpectedly squeezed between Japan and an international situation turned the profits of rinya into a concern over waste. Consequently, a knowledge system package originating from the European continent's scientific forestry was appropriated. The colonial administration tried to reform the existing systems of forest management and solve the practical problems in the 1930s. As to the research history of rinya which has focused on the primary and mid-term of Japanese colonial rule, this paper adjusts the errors implicated in evolutionist explanations and the unsuitability of the application of theory into history on some level, while at the same time providing possible spaces for dialogue between the research traditions of Taiwan's shihonshugika and the environmental history of South Asia.

This essay discusses the changes of the Government-General's policies related to the establishment of the modern corporation law (近代公司法制), during early Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan. In traditional Taiwanese society, capital was raised mainly through joint-stock partnership (合股方式). After the opening of coastal ports to foreigners in the early 1860s, the merits of modern corporate organization (近代公司) were recognized by the local business sector through trading with the West. They therefore began to imitate the modern corporate system, (近代公司制度) and the term 'company' was used for their joint -stock commercial firms (合股商號). After Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895, businesspersons were quick to take up Japanese merchant law (商法), and started to adopt the term hui-sher or kai-sha (會社) for their firms. This represented their interest in and acceptance of the modern-company system. On the contrary, the government was less enthusiastic than the business circles in introducing the modern-company system. The Qing (Ch'ing was used in the abstract by Hung) Dynasty did not acknowledge the merits of the Western company system. The Japanese colonial government also placed little emphasis on introducing the modern corporate system, a situation contrary to the policies during Meiji Restoration in the Japan proper. The main difference between the modern-company system and the traditional joint-stock firms was that the functioning of the former required government legislation to protect the interests of the investors. In the early stages, the Japanese Government-General tended to manage Taiwanese enterprises through joint-stock partnership. Starting in 1909, an executive order on Taiwanese corporation 「臺灣合股令」was issued, and in 1912 Taiwanese enterprises were restricted to use the term 「會社」for their firms by the order of the Government-General. (府令). Nevertheless, 「臺灣合股令」, with its basis on joint-stock partnership, did not gain the approval of the Japanese central government, and in 1923 the legal reform in the colony made Japanese merchant law applicable in Taiwan. Thereafter, Taiwanese commercial organizations were governed by Japanese merchant law.

ABSTRACTThis article problematizes the modern construction of “love” in colonial and contemporary Taiwan and South Korea through historicizing the concept from the nineteenth century to the present. The conception of modern love in East Asia emerged during the late nineteenth century that coincided with the beginnings of civilization and nation-building discourses advocating as a strong mediator for the reconfiguration of social and intimate relationships. In the case of colonial Taiwan and Korea, the colonial governments and intellectuals constantly pivoted on “exceptions” – obscene sex, indecent behavior or illegitimate subjects – to justify their political legitimacy/hegemony to love that prescribed a normative social relationship. Fully embraced by colonial Taiwan and Korea, this mechanism was extended to their postwar regimes; that is, love is celebrated and worshiped without the recognition of its underlying ideology of discrimination and exclusion. I coin the term “love unconscious” to characterize the colonial legacies of love in the contemporary social movements in Taiwan and South Korea. Furthermore I examine how both religious groups and LGBTQ activism were stuck in the “love unconscious” with two cases of contested love: the definition of love in the dictionary, and the rhetoric of love in (anti-)same-sex marriage movements. This article argues that Taiwan and South Korea's LGBTQ and marriage movements are based neither on Western discourses nor inspiration, but are instead driven by the reality and legacy of colonial history. To envisage the decolonization of love is to deconstruct the love unconscious and reconsider the history of colonial love.

This paper examines the organization and operation of the township administration in Taiwan between 1920 and 1945. The township administration in Taiwan under Japanese rule was based on two systems: One was the hoko system of the police administration, while the other was the township government of the administrative system. The research findings here basically extend my earlier study of the hoko system. As a research topic, ”township administration in colonial Taiwan” is a pioneer study. This paper is the first part of my ongoing research project into ”township administration”. The research on the local administrative system of the period of Japanese rule is the basis for understanding the history of Japanese rule in Taiwan, and the township administration is one such crucial cutting point. This paper focuses on the terms in question in the local administration of colonial Taiwan, while examining the operation and evolution of the township administration. It attempts to explain the duties, limitations on power, and the taxation system of township governments, as well as the relation between township governments (gaisho), township associations (gaisho kumiai), and public associations (kokyo kumiai). Finally, this paper seeks to explore the nature of the township administration by looking into its ”devolved duties” (inin jimmu) and related terms.

The ”Fishery Technology Talent” is the key motivation of Taiwan's fishery development. During the early post-war era, Taiwan was in the stage of regime change and the repatriation of the Japanese fishery talents has resulted in a stagnant period of fishery development. At this time, the local Taiwanese fishery talents cultivated by Japanese have become the main force for guiding the restructuring development of the fishery throughout the island. Nevertheless, the former ”Taiwan Fishery History” theory structure predominated by government either tended to exaggerate KMT government's strong leadership or intentionally ignored the fishery infrastructure under Japanese rule, talent cultivation and the construction of system management. Based on the viewpoints of education, industry takeover and technological talents, this study attempted to discuss how prewar China and Taiwan under Japanese rule cultivated fishery talents through fisheries education and further influenced the overall development of Taiwan's fishery industry according to the overview of the fisheries education in prewar Taiwan and China, fishery industry takeover during the early post-war period, employment and designation of the local fishery technology talents, and the analysis on the number of fishing crafts during the early postwar period. However, how Taiwanese and Japanese skill, research and management talents and fishing crafts cooperated with China takeover and technology teams to form a tricky interaction and cooperative process among Taiwan, Japan and China in Taiwan? How these three powers actually extensively affect the fishery development throughout the island during the early post-war period? Moreover, what are the impacts on Taiwan's fishery development in the early post-war era? In the meantime, this study also reviewed the ”Taiwan Fishery History”, which has been predominated by government for a long time, and re-defined the role of local Taiwanese fishery technology talents through the restructuring process of Taiwan's fishery development in the early post-war era.

The article explores the cross-lingual and multi-cultural translation problems during Taiwan under Japanese rule between 1895 and 1945. The Taiwanese public school teacher, Liu Ke-Ming (1884 ~ 1967) with New/Old Learning is selected as the study object. In addition to analyzing his various identities such as Taiwanese, teacher, translator, editor, scholar that presented in his poetry, essays, discourse and other types of poetry or translated writings, the article also analyzes the related activities he engaged in as above mentioned, studies how he responded and positioned the cultural difference between Taiwan and Japan, and the identities transfer in line with the cultural intermediary/mediator role. On the basis, the article sorts the complicated features that Liu Ke-Ming showed when wandering in Taiwan / Japan cultural mixture/dialogue. On the content, the article first points out the complex education background of Liu Ke-Ming’s linguistic competence in New/Old Learning, Japan/ Taiwan culture; follows by the analysis on his educator, traditional scholar, cultural inter-mediator identity to explore his multidimensional activities and then analyzes how he positioned and evaluated the New/Old Learning, Taiwan / Japan, Taiwan / Western culture in a different identity. The article also explores how he treated cultural translating behavior, how he recognized a cultural translator, and what was his purpose for translating. The article also explores issues such as will he alter or adjust the writing in different writing conditions? Or is there something in common? According to writing conditions, how Liu demonstrated the motility and initiative between deferent identities? Through the article, Liu’s ambiguous and confounding translation works are sorted. With the individual case study, the article tries to present the complexity and morphological appearance of cross-lingual and multi-cultural translation during the Japanese colonial period.

This article deals with the relationship between Taiwan's postcoloniality and postwar memories of the Japanese colonial rule (1895-1945) in Taiwanese fiction, with a special focus on the politics of re-memory in Shih Shu-ching's Taiwan Trilogy (2003-2010). I argue that Taiwan's postcoloniality and postwar memories of the Japanese rule are linked partly because of the Kuomintang's refusal until the lifting of martial law (1987) to see a decolonized Taiwan, and that the burgeoning of postcolonial Taiwanese fiction in recent decades, with more positive or complex reimagining of the Japanese period, deepens our rethinking of what constitutes Taiwan's postcoloniality. Using Shih Shu-ching's Taiwan Trilogy as my case study, I examine how the rewriting of Taiwan's national history provides a particularly interesting reengagement with Japanese colonialism in Taiwan. In light of Pheng Cheah's rethinking on world literature, I explore further how the trilogy's re-memory renegotiates with Japanese colonial legacy and presents the case of Taiwan's postcoloniality, which in turn may incite new thoughts on postcoloniality around the world and particularly in East and Southeast Asia. The conclusion draws on Ping-hui Liao's notion of alternative modernity to illuminate Taiwan's postcoloniality.

This paper attempts to rebut the prevailing favorable view of Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan by analyzing the formative principles and the structure of the modernizing elements in the assimilationist Japanese educational policy in Taiwan. In particular, the paper attends to the system by which the Japanese implemented equality of educational opportunity and the large amount of material on Western civilization incorporated into the teaching curriculum. The main themes of the paper are the following. Taiwan's assimilationist ”douka” policy came into being under the leadership of Isawashuji, creator of the Japanese-language education program in Taiwan. Its main content emphasized civilization, and the major medium for promulgating this content was Japanese-language education. The program employed ”kokutai” as its main educational instrument and as the pivot of political rule, filling a role analogous to that played by Christianity in Western colonial environments, and took ”becoming Japanese” and ”moving toward ishdoujim” as emblems of its assimilationist objectives. These guidelines became the prototype for Taiwan’s assimilationist (”douka”) educational program for half a century. However, the modernizing elements in this educational program also had an instrumental and intensely ideological character. For Isawashuji, he was convinced that only a broad education would enable the Taiwanese to genuinely understand the uniqueness and superiority of the Japanese state (”kokutai”). Isawashuji was determined to use ”kokutai” in ruling Taiwan mainly because the Japanese empire lacked a colonial educational instrument comparable to that provided by the teachings of Christianity. Hence he attempted to use ”kokutai” in place of religion in educating the Taiwanese. Under Isawashuji's rule, the Taiwanese were perhaps given the opportunity to establish a basis for modernization, as well as a basic direction for their later national identification as Taiwanese. However, these modernizing results were obtained mainly as by-products of a plan aimed at maintaining the equilibrium of the Japanese empire. They were not the results of an attitude of benevolence toward the people on Isawashuji's part, nor of a direct affirmation of the value of modernization.