Language vs. grammatical tradition in Ancient India: How real was Pāṇinian Sanskrit?

The article notes that the sources of legitimacy were different in ancient and medieval times than today. It is emphasized that the concept of legitimacy in China emerged from a complex interplay of philosophical ideas, cultural beliefs, and historical precedents. The Mandate of Heaven, Confucianism, and legalism each provided different sources through which rulers sought to legitimize their authority. In ancient Greece, the concept of legitimacy arose from a combination of civic participation, philosophical thoughts, mythological narratives, and the pursuit of virtue. In ancient India, however, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the rich tapestry of spiritual, social and philosophical ideals. Dharma served as a spiritual compass that guided rulers to maintain cosmic order and ethical principles. The article also notes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient Rome were multifaceted, based on a combination of mythology, legal foundations, religious symbolism, and the ability to ensure stability and prosperity. In medieval Europe, the concept of legitimacy was shaped by the complex dynamics of feudal relations, religious beliefs, and evolving political structures. In medieval Islam, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the caliphate, the implementation of the Sharia and the pledge of allegiance. The interaction of political and religious factors determined the sources of legitimacy, emphasizing the importance of rulers to rule according to Islamic principles. The scientific result of the article, the novelty and importance of the work is that it shows how the concept of legitimacy changes over time and space and the impact of these changes on the management structure of societies. The author emphasizes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient and medieval times, unlike in the modern era, originated more from religious, philosophical and cultural contexts. The novelty of the work is the comparative presentation of specific models of legitimacy in ancient China, Greece, India and Rome, as well as in medieval Europe and the Islamic world. The main hypothesis is that the sources of legitimacy were formed according to the social, economic and ideological realities of the time and had a direct impact on the management mechanisms. The importance of the work is that it provides an opportunity to better understand the dynamics of legitimacy in the modern era and build effective governance structures by learning from its historical models. This approach creates a new perspective for both philosophical and political-legal studies.

Kārake u prvoj pālijskoj gramatici i njezinu komentaru

The institutionalisation of the Vedic śrauta fire ritual in ancient India was strictly connected with the priest class’s establishment of a systematic theory of ritual. However, the pivot of ritualists’ reflections turned out to be not the gods receiving the fire oblations but the human being. As Taittirīya Saṃhitā states: man is commensurate with the sacrifice (TS.5.2.5). The first activity just after fixing the proper area for conducting the Vedic ritual was taking the sacrificer’s measurements. Then, using the units of measure modelled on the dimensions of man, the ritual enclosure was meted out and built. The origin of the mentioned procedure of taking human dimensions as units of measure can be traced to the Vedic passage of Taittirīya Saṃhitā: with man’s measure he metes out (TS.5.2.5). The constructed ritual enclosure therefore belonged to the sacrificer in a strict sense – it was his altar

Ancient Indian Sciences are embedded in Vedas , Puraanas , Epics and Classics . It has been formulated as interesting and dramatic narratives for laymen, while for intellectuals, it is encrypted science. Scientific concepts occur as scattered intermittent episodes during the course of the main storyline of ancient Indian texts. A brief background of atmospheric science during the Vedic period has been provided at the outset. This prompted the post - Vedic scholars like Aarya Bhatta , Varaaha Mihira and others to compile and compose treatises like the Aarya Bhattiyam , Brihat Samhita , etc, that were dedicated to Sciences exclusively. Among all the ancient Indian texts and scriptures, the Raamaayana of Sage Vaalmeeki , the first classic and epic ( AadiKaavyam ) of the world, commands a unique status of its own in terms of its poetic, aesthetic, linguistic and narrative prowess. In addition to this, it enshrines many sciences mystically. Among all the sciences, atmospheric science or meteorology has a unique relation with Raamaayana . Hence, the principal aim of the present article is to decode and decipher some of the valuable meteorological principles suggested in this epic, by relating them to modern atmospheric science. The various characters in the epic like Raama , Lakshmana , Seetha , Hanumaan , Raavana and others, have been shown to possess a striking relationship with entities of nature, especially atmosphere.Various incidents and episodes in Raamaayana signify several phenomena that occur in the atmosphere, which have been explained in detail in the present article. This would provide significant insights into the depths of Ancient Indian Science, especially meteorology, right from the times of antiquity.

This chapter will assess the nature of science in Ancient India, focusing mainly upon the period of the Indus Valley Civilisation and the Vedic times. The use and application of science in Ancient India has always been a debated and controversial topic; therefore, in order to present information without the bias of ongoing and old controversies, internal evidence from the Vedic texts is stated and laid out for the reader to interpret. To help readers understand the evolution of science in India, this chapter will investigate the application and use of sciences in the four Vedas and the Smrutis and will relate it to modern education by using frameworks such as curriculum, pedagogy and assessments. Additionally, this chapter will also provide some background information about the education system prevalent in Ancient India and in the subsequent periods that were influenced by Buddhism, Islam and British colonisation.

Yagya or sacrifice has been an integral part of Indian history and culture. More particularly in ancient India, Yagya appears as the backbone of entire social and political structure. Thus, most of the Vedic literature revolves around the sacrificial ritual in different forms for numerous purposes. In contemporary world, when the scientific temperament dominates almost all spheres of life, masses seek to comprehend everything pertaining to human lives in a rational way. However, the recognized truth is that human society exists in a dilemmatic situation where on one hand they are not ready to discard their cultural heritage, customs and traditions and on the other hand they aspire to abide with scientific logic and reason. Therefore, it is essential to trace the philosophy and common logic of one of the most consistent sacrificial practice of Indian culture, i.e. Yagya. And since the Yagya tradition traces its antiquity from the ancient India, there is a requirement to illustrate the historical existence of yagya in abundance. Thus, this paper attempts to comprehensively deal with historical and philosophical aspects of Yagya to understand its relevance in present scenario.
 For this study historical methodology has been used premised on the analysis of primary and secondary sources, and the content is descriptive.
 Since the time of oldest Indus valley civilization, we find archeological evidences of fire altars from sites such as Kalibagan(Rajasthan), Lothal(Gujrat) etc. which indicate the practice of sacrificial rituals. In entire Vedic literature, plethora of textual references elaborate the philosophy, ritual practice, benefits, norms, the hosts of yagyas, and the various types of sacrifices such as Shraut Yagya (public and royal sacrifices) and Pak Yagya (domestic sacrifices). Furthermore, both literary and archeological evidences enchant the practice and effects of distinct type of sacrifices in later Vedic age, pre-Mauryan period (6th century B.C.), age of empires (Mauryan, Shunga, Satavahana, Kanva, Kushana etc.) and Gupta period. This reveals the historical existence of our cultural tradition.
 Moreover the philosophical relevance of yagya (to sacrifice) is exponent as an idea through which Vedic Rishis facilitated the harmony between ecological system and human life, the peaceful co-existence of all the creatures of the universe and their interdependence.
 Though it overtly seems that Yagya has been a part of religious life of Vedic Aryans, but after the philosophical and historical analysis, it appears that Yagya crucially contributed to social harmony, constructing political hegemony, and facilitating public welfare in its most intense as well as external procedures. Hence, for dwindling the cultural, environmental and social quos in today’s times yagya needs to be practiced in a modified logical manner.

The human race is a member of the Mammalian class and the Primate Order. So, a human is also an animal. But what differs from other animal species is human wisdom. It is only humans who can domesticate other animals and use them to fulfill different needs. In hunting/gathering hominid societies, animals were rich sources of meat, skin, and bone. But the artistic and curious human mind kept records of his relationship with the animal world through rock paintings from the Upper Paleolithic era. From different centres of human habitats throughout the Indian Sub-Continent, a huge amount of animal remains have been discovered by Archeologists. Apart from kitchen waste which highlights the on-veg food habit of nomadic people, terracotta animal figurines, day-to-day bone tools, ivory and shell ornaments, artifacts etc., pointed out the importance and use of domesticated animals in human life. Animal domestication and husbandry became synonymous with Indian Proto-Historic and Historic civilizations not only economically / militarily but also with religious and cultural traditions. Sheep and goats were first domesticated by South Indian Neolithic men around 2 thousand and five hundred B.C. as sources of milk, wool, meat, leather and other commodities. Today’s Indian domestic fowl originated from red jungle fowl. Seals of Indus civilization were decorated with humped and hump-less bulls, goats, sheep, elephants, and fowl. Vedic Aryans husbanded horses, dogs, sheep, goats, fowl, elephants, cow-bull etc. During the Mauryan era, buffalo was included in the category of dairy cattle. Domestication of animals is not a new thing in human history. The novelty lies in Indian people’s attention and urge for the wellbeing of domesticated animals. Ancient Indian literature like Vedas, CharakSamhita, SushrutSamhita, HaritaSamhita, Agni Purana, Mastya Purana, Artha-Shastra etc. Provide proper guidance on orientation, construction, and purification of animal houses, besides veterinary Ayurvedic and surgical treatment of numerous diseases. In Vedic literature, Cow was considered as the measuring unit of wealth. Cow received the status of “Aghnya” [Not to be killed]. Priests were the first veterinarians of ancient India. Prominent among them were Shalihotra [Earliest expert in Horse medicine and author of “Haya Ayurveda”], Palakapya [Author of “Hasty- Ayurveda”] etc. 6th Century B.C. Indian rulers of Sravasti, Kousambi, and Lichabi kingdoms issued humped bull/cow inscribed coins. During the Indian invasion of Alexander the Great [326 B.C.], a Prince from Punjab presented Cock with engraved silver coins as a form of tribute. Arthashastra mentioned the King’s duty of ensuring enough pasture land near every village. Gopa was accountable for keeping a record of this land. Horses and Elephants were the two main war animals of the Mauryan army. Proper care was given to them. Hurting/killing of any of these species resulted in the death penalty. The third Mauryan Monarch, Asoka, after his conversion to Buddhism, established veterinary hospitals throughout his domain. Ancient Indians were aware of the technique of animal husbandry as well. In short ancient Indian Veterinary Ayurvedic and surgical treatments are effective in curing dysentery, cough, wound, infertility, and different infections besides psychological stress still in the Twenty-First Century. Besides terrestrial animals’ ancient Indian people were aware of the existence of fish, shells, and turtles. It is my aim in this essay to analyze customs, technologies and history of the domestication of animals by ancient Indian people and its socio-economic-scientific applicability in the scenario of the Twenty-First Century. I will utilize both primary and secondary sources to endure this goal.

To determine which Vedic texts Pāṇini knew requires a comprehensive approach that establishes a high correlation between the complete set of linguistic traits his treatise describes and the complete set of linguistic traits exhibited in each text in question. The examination of individual linguistic traits is inadequate to determine which texts he knew because neither the Vedic nor the grammatical tradition is uniform and static. Bronkhorst (Pāṇinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 75, 1991) calls into question the assumption that Vedic texts were known to Pāṇini in the form we have received them, while Cardona (Pāṇinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 130, 1991) shows that Pāṇini’s silence concerning certain Vedic forms may be due to deference to certain received exegetical traditions. The current paper considers a case where the Pāṇinian grammatical tradition entertains disagreement over the derivation of obscure forms. Doubt concerning the recurrence of the term pit (3.4.92) into 3.4.94 brings into question whether Pāṇini systematically accounts for stem strengthening in the present subjunctive. Kātyāyana, Patanjali, Jayāditya, and Jinendrabuddhi remain silent on the point. Rāmacandra, Śrīkriṣṇa, and Bhaṭṭojidīkṣita assert that pit recurs, thereby allowing stem strengthening. Haradatta, on the other hand, maintains that a rule of indeterminate variation, 3.4.117 chandasy ubhayathā, accounts for it. Nāgeśa points out that the latter procedure is more comprehensive in that it accounts for the lack of stem strengthening in exceptional forms, such as krṇvaite in the R,gveda. The implication is that the former procedure fails to account for the form, which, if Pāṇini’s knowledge of texts were to be established based upon the consideration of individual traits, would imply the absurdity that Pāṇini, as interpreted by Rāmacandra et al. did not know the R,gveda. On the contrary, however, the procedure of Rāmacandra et al. can employ another rule of indeterminate variation: 3.1.85 vyatyayo bahulam. This procedure, which provides a systematic explanation of the present subjunctive generally and requires a rule of indeterminate variation only to account for exceptional forms, is preferable to leaving the account of stem strengthening in the present subjunctive generally to a rule of indeterminate variation. Since both procedures rely on rules of indeterminate variation to account for the R,gvedic form, however, it is impossible to establish either Pāṇini’s knowledge or ignorance of the text on the basis of his account of the subjunctive. The controversy demonstrates that the depth and variety of the Indian grammatical tradition must be taken into account in determining which rules describe which linguistic facts and that it is inadequate to consider individual traits. A comprehensive approach is required.

To determine which Vedic texts Pāini knew requires a comprehensive approach that establishes a high correlation between the complete set of linguistic traits his treatise describes and the complete set of linguistic traits exhibited in each text in question. The examination of individual linguistic traits is inadequate to determine which texts he knew because neither the Vedic nor the grammatical tradition is uniform and static. Bronkhorst (Pāinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 75, 1991) calls into question the assumption that Vedic texts were known to Pāini in the form we have received them, while Cardona (Pāinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 130, 1991) shows that Pāini's silence concerning certain Vedic forms may be due to deference to certain received exegetical traditions. The current paper considers a case where the Pāinian grammatical tradition entertains disagreement over the derivation of obscure forms. Doubt concerning the recurrence of the term pit (3.4.92) into 3.4.94 brings into question whether Pāini systematically accounts for stem strengthening in the present subjunctive. Kātyāyana, Patañjali, Jayāditya, and Jinendrabuddhi remain silent on the point. Rāmacandra, Śīkria, and Bhaojidīkita assert that pit recurs, thereby allowing stem strengthening. Haradatta, on the other hand, maintains that a rule of indeterminate variation, 3.4.117 chandasy ubhayathā, accounts for it. Nāgeśa points out that the latter procedure is more comprehensive in that it accounts for the lack of stem strengthening in exceptional forms, such as Krvaíte in the Rgveda. The implication is that the former procedure fails to account for the form, which, if Pāini's knowledge of texts were to be established based upon the consideration of individual traits, would imply the absurdity that Pāini, as interpreted by Rāmacandra et al. did not know the Rgveda. On the contrary, however, the procedure of Rāmacandra et al. can employ another rule of indeterminate variation: 3.1.85 vyatyayo bahulam. This procedure, which provides a systematic explanation of the present subjunctive generally and requires a rule of indeterminate variation only to account for exceptional forms, is preferable to leaving the account of stem strengthening in the present subjunctive generally to a rule of indeterminate variatio Since both procedures rely on rules of indeterminate variation to account for the Rgvedic form, however, it is impossible to establish either Pāini's knowledge or ignorance of the text on the basis of his account of the subjunctive. The controversy demonstrates that the depth and variety of the Indian grammatical tradition must be taken into account in determining which rules describe which linguistic facts and that it is inadequate to consider individual traits. A comprehensive approach is required.

To determine which Vedic texts Pāṇini knew requires a comprehensive approach that establishes a high correlation between the complete set of linguistic traits his treatise describes and the complete set of linguistic traits exhibited in each text in question. The examination of individual linguistic traits is inadequate to determine which texts he knew because neither the Vedic nor the grammatical tradition is uniform and static. Bronkhorst (Pāṇinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 75, 1991) calls into question the assumption that Vedic texts were known to Pāṇini in the form we have received them, while Cardona (Pāṇinian Studies: Professor S. D. Joshi Felicitation Volume, p. 130, 1991) shows that Pāṇini’s silence concerning certain Vedic forms may be due to deference to certain received exegetical traditions. The current paper considers a case where the Pāṇinian grammatical tradition entertains disagreement over the derivation of obscure forms. Doubt concerning the recurrence of the term pit (3.4.92) into 3.4.94 brings into question whether Pāṇini systematically accounts for stem strengthening in the present subjunctive. Kātyāyana, Patanjali, Jayāditya, and Jinendrabuddhi remain silent on the point. Rāmacandra, Śrīkriṣṇa, and Bhaṭṭojidīkṣita assert that pit recurs, thereby allowing stem strengthening. Haradatta, on the other hand, maintains that a rule of indeterminate variation, 3.4.117 chandasy ubhayathā, accounts for it. Nāgeśa points out that the latter procedure is more comprehensive in that it accounts for the lack of stem strengthening in exceptional forms, such as krṇvaite in the Rgveda. The implication is that the former procedure fails to account for the form, which, if Pāṇini’s knowledge of texts were to be established based upon the consideration of individual traits, would imply the absurdity that Pāṇini, as interpreted by Rāmacandra et al. did not know the Rgveda. On the contrary, however, the procedure of Rāmacandra et al. can employ another rule of indeterminate variation: 3.1.85 vyatyayo bahulam. This procedure, which provides a systematic explanation of the present subjunctive generally and requires a rule of indeterminate variation only to account for exceptional forms, is preferable to leaving the account of stem strengthening in the present subjunctive generally to a rule of indeterminate variation. Since both procedures rely on rules of indeterminate variation to account for the Rgvedic form, however, it is impossible to establish either Pāṇini’s knowledge or ignorance of the text on the basis of his account of the subjunctive. The controversy demonstrates that the depth and variety of the Indian grammatical tradition must be taken into account in determining which rules describe which linguistic facts and that it is inadequate to consider individual traits. A comprehensive approach is required.

The Economic History of Organizational Entities in Ancient India

The Economic History of the Corporate Form in Ancient India

Ancient Indians had a good architectural knowledge that is evident from the various temples, palaces, forts and other monuments seen spread all around the country. With vast urban population and pilgrim centers, the knowledge of town planning was to be very effective and the ancient Indians enunciated the rules of town planning in their ancient architectural treatises. Glimpses of these features are also to be found in earlier archaeological finds, texts belonging to the Vedic, Epic and Purānic periods. The features of various cities and town planning aspects dealt in these texts are first briefly described that serve as a model for developing Modern Heritage cities. Since hundred Indian cities are soon going to be developed as ‘Smart-Cities’, it would be apt and imperative to discuss the concept of Heritage-Cities as well. Just as the Smart-Cities would be the torchbearers of future growth; Heritage-Cities connect us to our glorious past. Thus, in this paper, humble efforts are made to identify and recognize the valuable factors that contribute to enhance the charm of Heritage-Cities giving a brief overview of earlier Town planning features from ancient Indian texts. Ancient Indians had a well planned system of building villages, towns, intricate drainage, water supply systems, markets, palaces, households and public spaces that are evident from archeological and literary sources. The features mentioned in Vedic, epic and post-Vedic literature could serve as a model for modern town planning, for harmonious living with nature.

Currency is a very important element in the economic system of a society as a medium of exchange. A coin is a piece of metal that needs to have a specific purity and weight. It is also important simultaneously to consider it as a medium of exchange. In ancient India, ‘cowry shells’ were used as an easy means of exchange of goods. The weight of ‘guñjā’ seeds were used as a unit of measurement in the Indus Valley civilization. In the ancient Indian monetary system weight was measured with great precision. In Vedic literature, the word ‘niṣka’, ‘śatamāna’ etc. are used to denote metal fragments. The eighth chapter of the ‘Manusaṃhitā’ mentions the ‘trasareṇu’ as the first unit of measurement, which actually refers to the very small mote which is seen when the sun shines through a lattice. Apart from this, the words likṣā, sarṣapa, kr̥ṣṇala, māṣaka, suvarṇa, paṇa/kārṣāpaṇa, pala, dharaṇa, sāhasa etc. associated with various currencies and their measurement system can be noticed in ‘Manusaṃhitā’ and ‘Arthaśāstra’. However, after the discovery of coins that found in Taxila and Kabul, there is undoubted evidence of the circulation of metal coins in India in the 5th century BC. The ‘kārṣāpaṇa’ coin mentioned in the Buddhist scriptures of the Pre-Maurya era is quite similar to these. In various Buddhist texts such as Vinaya Piṭaka, Dhammapada, Jātaka, visuddhimaggo, etc., there are references to various coins and currency measurement terms such as Kahāpaṇa, Kākaṇikā, Dharaṇa, Pala, Pāda, Māsaka, Aḍḍha etc. Through the said discussion, based on the information and data found in various Buddhist texts including ‘Manusaṃhitā’ and ‘Arthaśāstra’ etc. to provide a detailed discussion about the currency of the Ancient Buddhist era and its measurement system.

The Vedic texts from ancient India (approx. 3000–1000 BCE) claim to be ātmavidyā, “science of self ” or “consciousness science.” The most ancient of these is the cryptic R. gveda. But prose commentaries, called the Brāhmanas and the Upanishads that appeared in the centuries following the Vedas, provide a framework to decode its narrative, establishing its central concern with consciousness. Until recently, the question of consciousness was considered to lie outside of the scope of science and, consequently, the Indian texts on the subject were not properly examined. Scientific attitudes toward consciousness have changed due to the recent advances in neuroscience and because modern physics and computer science must confront the question of the observer. In theVedic view, reality is unitary at the deepest level since otherwise there would be chaos. This reality is called Brahman (neuter gender). Brahman engenders and, paradoxically, transcends themind/matter split. It is identical to consciousness at the cosmic scale and it informs individual minds. Turning focus to the very nature of themind provides insight about consciousness.