Abstract
Second-language (L2) speech is consistently slower than first-language (L1) speech, and L1 speaking rate varies within- and across-talkers depending on many individual, situational, linguistic, and sociolinguistic factors. It is asked whether speaking rate is also determined by a language-independent talker-specific trait such that, across a group of bilinguals, L1 speaking rate significantly predicts L2 speaking rate. Two measurements of speaking rate were automatically extracted from recordings of read and spontaneous speech by English monolinguals (n = 27) and bilinguals from ten L1 backgrounds (n = 86): speech rate (syllables/second), and articulation rate (syllables/second excluding silent pauses). Replicating prior work, L2 speaking rates were significantly slower than L1 speaking rates both across-groups (monolinguals' L1 English vs bilinguals' L2 English), and across L1 and L2 within bilinguals. Critically, within the bilingual group, L1 speaking rate significantly predicted L2 speaking rate, suggesting that a significant portion of inter-talker variation in L2 speech is derived from inter-talker variation in L1 speech, and that individual variability in L2 spoken language production may be best understood within the context of individual variability in L1 spoken language production.
Highlights
Cross-language and cross-talker variability are salient features of human speech production
The fronted articulatory setting for English relative to Spanish vowels could not be attributed to cross-talker variation in vocal tract length, which would have resulted in parallel shifts for all formant frequencies rather than just for the second formant (Bradlow, 1995)
Though not a primary concern for the present study, which focuses on the relationship between L1 and L2 speech production in bilinguals, this first step in the analysis provides an indication of cross-language variation in average speaking rate and provides an essential point of comparison for the subsequent measures of L2 speaking rate
Summary
Cross-language and cross-talker variability are salient features of human speech production. Bradlow (1995) demonstrated across-the-board fronting (higher second formant frequencies) of English /i, e, o, u/ relative to their Spanish counterparts. Recasens (2010) demonstrated dialect-specific constriction anteriority for several front lingual consonants, /t, n, l, s, r, T, S, ø, fi/, among Catalan dialects. In each of these cases, the documented language- or dialect-dependent differences in articulatory setting prevailed over talker-specific differences. The fronted articulatory setting for English relative to Spanish vowels could not be attributed to cross-talker variation in vocal tract length, which would have resulted in parallel shifts for all formant frequencies rather than just for the second formant (Bradlow, 1995). For the consonant study (Recasens, 2010) the dialect-specific articulatory setting could not be attributed to individual variation in palate morphology
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