Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics: Sarah Grey Thomason and Terrence Kaufman, University of Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, University of California Press, 1988. 411 pp. US $ 48.50

Abstract

PREFACE 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Boas vs. Sapir on foreign influence vs. inheritance 1.2. What genetic means 2. THE FAILURE OF LINGUISTIC CONSTRAINTS ON INTERFERENCE 2.1. Typological constraints 2.2. Implicational universal constraints 2.3. Constraints based on naturalness 2.4. Conclusion 3. CONTACT-INDUCED LANGUAGE CHANGE: AN ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK 3.1. Borrowing vs. interference through shift 3.2. Predicting extent and kinds of interference 3.3. Explaining linguistic changes: when is an external explanation appropriate? 4. LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE 4.1. Intensity of contact and typological distance 4.2. Casual to not-so-casual contact: exclusively lexical to slight structural borrowing 4.2.1. Category (1): lexical borrowing only 4.2.2. Categories (2) and (3): slight structural borrowing 4.3. Intense contact: moderate to heavy structural borrowing 4.3.1. Category (4): moderate structural borrowing 4.3.2. Category (5): heavy structural borrowing 4.3.3. Sprachbund 4.3.4. Typologically favored borrowing 4.4. Overwhelming cultural pressure: replacement of large portions of the inherited grammar 5. LANGUAGE SHIFT WITH NORMAL TRANSMISSION 5.1. Problems in demonstrating interference through shift 5.2. Some linguistic results of shift 5.2.1. Preliminary remarks 5.2.2. Shift without interference 5.2.3. Slight interference 5.2.4. Moderate to heavy interference 6. SHIFT WITHOUT NORMAL TRANSMISSION: ABRUPT CREOLIZATION 7. PIDGINS 7.1. Definitions and theories of pidginization 7.2. Pidgin genesis as a result of mutual linguistic accommodation 7.3. Examples: diversity in pidgin structures 7.4. Pidgin genesis and contact-induced language change 7.5. Monogenesis and the probability of pidginization 8. RETROSPECTION 8.1. Genetic relationship and the products of contact-induced language change 8.2. Comparative reconstruction and contactinduced language change 8.3. Conclusion 9. CASE STUDIES 9.1. Asia Minor Greek: a case of heavy borrowing 9.2. Ma'a 9.3. Michif 9.4. Mednyj Aleut 9.5. Uralic substratum interference in Slavic and Baltic 9.6. Afrikaans 9.7. Chinook Jargon 9.8. English and other coastal Germanic languages, or why English is not a mixed language 9.8.1. Introductory remarks 9.8.2. Our position 9.8.3. Summary of English sociolinguistic history down to A.D. 1400 9.8.4. The ethnolinguistic regions of Englishspeaking Britain 9.8.5. Overview of linguistic developments in the Middle English period 9.8.6. Norse influence on English 9.8.6.1. The Norse in England 9.8.6.2. Northern English 9.8.6.3 Danelaw English 9.8.6.4. Norsification 9.8.6.5. A model for norsification 9.8.6.6. Linguistic events after norsification 9.8.6.7. Dialects that we consider not to have been norsified 9.8.6.8. The data 9.8.6.9. Distribution of the norsification data 9.8.6.10. Characterization of the Norse influence on English structure 9.8.6.11. How norsification took place 9.8.6.12. The origin of Northern Middle English 9.8.6.13. On the question of simplification 9.8.6.14. Evaluation 9.8.7. The beginnings of London Standard English 9.8.8. French influence on Middle English and the question of creolization 9.8.9. Excursus: simplification and foreignization of other Germanic languages 9.8.10. Low Dutch grammatical influence on Middle English 9.8.11. On orderliness or the lack of it in the rates of linguistic change in English 9.8.12. Conclusions MAPS (for chapter 9.8) NOTES REFERENCES REFERENCES TO MIDDLE ENGLISH TEXTS (sources for chapter 9.8.) INDEXES: Languages and Language Groups Names of scholars Subjects