Land, Race, and the Long Road to the Córdova Rebellion in East Texas, 1826–1839

Abstract

Land, Race, and the Long Road to the Córdova Rebellion in East Texas, 1826–1839 Daniel Glenn (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Map of Texas, 1835. From A Comprehensive Atlas: Geographical, Historical and Commercial (Boston: J. H. Wilkins & R.B. Carter, 1835) by Thomas Gamaliel Bradford. Courtesy of the University of Texas Libraries, The University of Texas at Austin. [End Page 160] In August 1838, eighteen men in the Nacogdoches region, including Vicente Córdova, a former alcalde of the town, issued a brief statement declaring themselves rebels against the Republic of Texas. Asserting that they were "tired of the injustice and the usurpation of their rights," these Mexican loyalists pledged to "shed the last drop of their blood" to resist the current laws, which jeopardized their "lives and property."1 The declaration came nearly a week after a skirmish over stolen horses, in which one Anglo Texan was killed, revealed the presence of a party of more than one hundred irregulars and Mexican soldiers in the area.2 When Anglos quickly mustered a militia of several hundred, the rebels retreated northwest into territory occupied by several Indian groups, including Cherokee, Shawnee, Delaware, and Kickapoo. Although rumors claimed that hundreds of Indians had joined the renegades, the chiefs professed peaceful intentions. Unable to secure a commitment of support from the Indians and with the Anglo Texan militia closing in, the rebels withdrew onto the prairie and raided outlying Anglo settlements.3 [End Page 161] The Córdova Rebellion, which is what this event came to be known as, was a poorly conceived and even more poorly executed effort to destabilize the Republic of Texas. While Vicente Córdova declared that the "Cherokee and other tribes" had promised "to unite as soon as possible for action," Mexican military leaders in Matamoros promised to "make a forced march" with reinforcements the moment the "operations are made known in Matamoros."4 Neither promise was fulfilled. Córdova had grossly overstated both the Indians' loyalty to Mexico and his ability to persuade them to risk their lives and homes in support of his adventure. Likewise, the Mexican commander spared only thirty-four soldiers to support Córdova's effort and did not launch a supporting invasion of Texas from the south.5 Each misled the other, which ensured the rebellion had no chance at success. Although the presence of the insurgents and their attacks on isolated Anglo settlements may have inspired increased hostility by neighboring Indians, the Republic of Texas did not face what it feared most, a coordinated campaign by the Mexican army, Tejano loyalists, and their Indian allies. Despite its failure, however, the Córdova Rebellion had a lasting influence on the development of Texas. The incident confirmed Anglo Texans' worst fears about the Tejanos and Indians living amongst them: that they hated the Anglos and, whatever they might say to the contrary, were waiting for the right opportunity to strike. Tejanos in the Nacogdoches region, under increasing scrutiny from their Anglo neighbors, sold their lands and headrights and moved away. The Republic of Texas instituted a removal policy for Indians in the aftermath of the uprising that it pursued through military force, which led directly to the removal of the Cherokee, Shawnee, Delaware, and Caddo Indians. It is worth asking why an abortive revolt would have such far-reaching consequences. The answers lay in the mindset of Anglo Texans and their expectations for their new country. In general, Anglo Texans harbored a profound distrust for American Indians and Tejanos and were discomfited by their presence in the republic. For most Anglos, Tejanos and Indians represented at best barriers to their goal of converting Texas into what they would call a civilized country, and at worst dormant enemies who would strike the moment the Anglos let down their guard. The notion that these groups might conceivably be or one day become members of the republic—that is, full and equal citizens—was beyond the imagination of even the most progressive Anglos.6 [End Page 162] This is certainly not the first essay to examine racial conflict in Texas, nor is it the first to investigate...