Abstract

This paper begins by strengthening the labial-velar hypothesis with a novel interpretation of the allophonic distributions of labials and velars in Lusoga. The labial-velar hypothesis (Backley & Nasukawa 2009) is an Element Theory proposal that labial and dorsal consonants can be marked by same ‘dark’ place feature |U| (cf. grave (Jakobson & Halle 1956)). The difference between Lab and Dors is that Lab is the headed manifestation of |U|, while Dors is headless. However, by hypothesis, this appears paradoxical for labial-velar stop complex segments (collectively labelled KP). These would seem to be headless and headed at the same time. This leads to an exploration of the term ‘headedness’ in phonology. Building on the positives of previous approaches, and pairing back the assumptions to the first principles of combination (Merge), I come up with a novel theory of headedness for segment-internal structure: Bare Element Geometry (BEG). The labial-velar hypothesis, in light of BEG, is then applied to KP. A close investigation of KP’s typological distribution and behaviour, especially in Guere (Western Kru) leads to the discovery that it has two root nodes each with its own place node and, contrary to the previous literature, that its parts are phonologically ordered. KP having two ordered root nodes allows BEG’s model of headedness since the same dark place feature |U| is both headed and headless in different parts of the structure. This asymmetric theory of headedness also correctly predicts Cahill (1999)’s empirical observation that KP is never headed by Dorsal (rather than Labial).

Highlights

  • 3.2.3.1 Background to place features in KP As a way to restrict the universal set of complex segments, Sagey (1986: 61) stipulates that only terminal features can branch, class nodes cannot

  • The representation of the two structures cannot be conflated with each other, because they are found contrastively in a number of languages (Mano (Khatchaturyan 2009) and Guere). The reason for their similarity is not that they are the same structure, but that they form a class – both being headed |U|, a fact that follows from the labial-velar hypothesis and the Bare Element Geometry (BEG) representation I offer in this paper

  • In this paper I began by citing the core evidence for Element Theory’s labial-velar hypothesis, the idea that Lab and Dor share the same element as their only place feature

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Summary

Phonetic signatures of labials and dorsals

According to the labial-velar hypothesis (Backley & Nasukawa 2009 (B&N); Backley 2011), Lab and Dor are both characterized by the same ‘dark’ Place feature |U| (akin to Jakobson & Halle’s (1956) grave) It may be surprising for those who are trained to think in terms of articulatory features that in Element Theory (ET) Labials (Lab) and Dorsals (Dor) can be analysed as having the same Place feature. Backley (2011), defines place features in terms of resonance features detectable from a sound’s spectral qualities This claim is primarily couched in phonetic terms, noticing that labial and dorsal consonants are relatively similar for some key acoustic properties. The dark element responsible for this signature is |U|, the same feature responsible for roundness and lowered formants in vowels This natural affinity between labials and dorsals is motivated by Jakobson & Halle (1956) who group these segments as a single ‘dark’ natural class (defined by the acoustic feature: [grave]). This difference in headedness is all that distinguishes /p/ from /k/ and various other labial/velar pairs of sounds

Diachronic arguments for the labial-velar hypothesis
Synchronic argument for the labial-velar hypothesis
The Definition of Headedness
Previous approaches to Headedness
Hidden templates
A new direction from old foundations
Merge but with another hidden template
Empirical predictions of BEG
Theory internal advantages
BEG and the labial-velar hypothesis
Background to place features in KP
17 Though see
KP in BEG
Conclusion
Full Text
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