L’Italia fascista e la questione austriaca,1922-1938

Reviewed by: How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945, and: Il Duce’s Other Woman: The Untold Story of Margherita Sarfatti, Benito Mussolini’s Jewish Mistress, and How She Helped Him Come to Power Barbara Spackman How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945. Victoria De Grazia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. Pp. 350. $14.00 (paper) Il Duce’s Other Woman: The Untold Story of Margherita Sarfatti, Benito Mussolini’s Jewish Mistress, and How She Helped Him Come to Power. Philip V. Cannistraro and Brian R. Sullivan. New York: William Morrow, 1993. Pp. 685. $25.00. How fascism ruled women, and how one woman almost ruled the man who ruled fascism: the subjects of these two books are informed by sometimes complementary, sometimes contrasting views of the relation between women and the fascist regime in Italy. Victoria De Grazia herself says it best: “how fascism ruled women is also the story of how Italian women experienced fascist rule” (11–12). This superb book, How Fascism Ruled Women, is the first in any language to take up the challenge of recounting and interpreting not only fascist policies regarding women, but the choices and responses of Italian women themselves, as they negotiated a way of life under the fascist regime. Previous book-length studies, such as Piero Meldini’s 1975 Sposa e madre esemplare (Exemplary wife and mother), and Elisabetta Mondello’s 1987 La nuova italiana (The new Italian woman), focused on fascist policies and fascist representations of women. Maria Antonietta Macciocchi’s controversial 1976 La donna ‘nera’ (The fascist woman) portrayed women as fanatically devoted to the Duce; more recent studies in Italian are dispersed throughout journals and edited collections (such as the 1988 La corporazione delle donne [The corporation of women], edited by Marina Addis Saba), and none offers the detailed panorama that De Grazia gives us. In De Grazia’s book, discussions of policies and representations are balanced with portraits of women who are neither passive victims nor hysterical supporters of a regime that sought to turn them into incubators; rather, they are protagonists who respond differently to the contradictory interpellations issued by a fascism understood as a complex of competing imperatives. If fascism did its best to confine women to traditional roles and blot out emancipatory experiences, it also, De Grazia argues, sought to “nationalize” women, to give them roles and duties in the national state. As fascist policies redefined the relation between private and public spheres, the meanings of those spheres were also differently inflected by the women who increasingly inhabited both. Drawing upon materials that range from archival records, government statistics, memoirs, novels, and the growing body of material on women under fascism in Italian as well as studies of women in other European countries, De Grazia intelligently and sensitively explores women’s responses and initiatives during the ventennio. The chapters “The Legacy of Liberalism” and “Women’s Politics in a New Key” offer a fascinating account of women’s organizations, from the early suffragist groups who saw in fascism a liberatory force, to later groups whose “Latin feminism” was content to tout women’s superior [End Page 238] capacity for sacrifice, and official fascist mass organizations of women. De Grazia brings to light the importance of figures such as Elisa Majer Rizzioli, founder of the women’s fasci, and Teresa Labriola, a lawyer and the first woman to hold a university chair in Italy, and a committed fascist to the end of her life. In a chapter entitled “The Family versus the State,” she proposes that fascist policies designed to bring the family into the service of the state were in fact undercut by antistatist attitudes, in what she characterizes as “oppositional familialism”: the sedimentation of older traditions that, in the new context, functioned as a kind of resistance to fascism. Her chapters on “Motherhood,” “Growing Up,” “Working,” and “Going Out” document generational, regional, and class differences as exacerbated by the pull exerted by the pleasures of new mass culture, a pull always countered by the push to reproduce the race, and reinforced by the expulsion of women from the workplace, and their increasingly limited access to higher education. This is not a theoretically...

On 13 April 1635, Druze emir Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn was executed in Constantinople, after years of ambiguous relations with the Ottoman sultan. Exactly three centuries later, a biography of the emir was published in Rome, edited by Maronite father Paolo Carali and financed by the Fascist government. The reason why Fascism was interested in his figure can be traced back to the policy implemented by Italy in the 1930s, which sought to penetrate the territories of Lebanon and Syria. However, these were regions in which Fascist Italy had no real interest or claim, and so it sought to build a tie between the Levant and Italy by rereading the historiography of the relationship between “Faccardino” and Medici Tuscany at the beginning of the seventeenth century. By comparing the policies of the Medici and Fascism, it will be possible to highlight how, through Carali’s work, the latter sought to construct a history that would support its ambitions towards the eastern Mediterranean.

Introduction: The paper considers the case of the University of Ferrara during the Fascist regime (1922-1943) and investigates the use of accounting practices in the government's attempt to achieve control of the organisation. Aim of the work: The study seeks to document how accounting practices can be enlisted to subjugate institutions that had traditionally enjoyed significant inde-pendence from governments and pursue the ideological programmes of dominant elites. Methodological approach: The paper is based upon primary sources gathered from the historical archive of the University of Ferrara. Their interpretation has been guided by the literature that has explored the connections between ac-counting and the State. Main findings: Accounting ensured that key information on the University could be gathered by the government. It also helped to make visible the need of the University to rely on government funding when Fascist policies had the effect of "starving" the organisation of funds, which caused the University to accept pene-trating controls by the State. Originality: The paper has broadened the compass of research into the interrela-tion between accounting and State power by considering an under-research context and documenting the role of accounting in controlling institutions that were essential to the achievement of political goals.

The fascist regime was the first system of government in modern Italy to attempt to address the ‘peasant question’ in a systematic fashion. It not only brought to bear upon it the administrative machinery of the state but also, through its policies and propaganda, attempted to convert the peasantry from a perennial threat to social stability into a positive bulwark of the political system the fascist regime was seeking to consolidate. This article describes the starting point of this historical account of peasants in 1921; the fascist policies that affected agriculture and the rural population; and the peasant responses to fascism.

When, in February 1955, the face of the forty-five-year-old Giovanna Zangrandi appeared on the pages of Epoca, it was the publication of her prize-winning, first novel, I Brusaz, and her unusual lifestyle as landlady, writer, and mountaineer living in the picturesque resort of Cortina d'Ampezzo, that caught the imagination of her interviewer, Roberto De Monticelli. Although originally from Emilia Romagna, Zangrandi and her novel seemed thoroughly immersed in the culture and natural environment of this remote area. In later years, she would be associated not only with the Cadore, but more particularly with a precise period in its history: the armed Resistance to fascism between 1943 and 1945. Indeed, Zangrandi's participation in the Resistance as a partisan with the garibaldini came to be regarded as the most significant feature of her life and writing. Yet, as is the case of many Italians, Zangrandi's involvement with the Resistance only began shortly after the fall of the fascist regime in 1943; before this date she does not seem to have been a member of any antifascist group and her activities point to a participation in fascist institutions, rather than any attempt to undermine them. During her student days at Bologna University, she had joined the Gioventù Universitaria Fascista, and, according to a postwar newspaper article she wrote, she had joined the PNF in 1934. When she moved to Cortina d'Ampezzo, she became a member of the local Fasci Femminili and was made female sports officer in 1939. She also contributed to local newspapers, which, given fascist policies regarding the media, meant writing for a press whose purpose was to provide propaganda for the regime. Nevertheless, this period of her life, during the fascist regime and prior to her involvement in the Resistance, has tended to be ignored. That has not only prejudiced assessments of Zangrandi's post-war writing, but has also failed to take account of the insights Zangrandi's articles in the fascist press provide for the study of women and fascism (especially as she belonged to the middle class identified as providing so much support for the regime), and for research into the press and regional history of this period. An analysis of Zangrandi's work as a fascist journalist can be put into context better by first examining her later writing and her presentation of fascism in the post-war period. In this way, the picture of her interests and relationship with fascism as they emerge from her writing under the censorship of the regime may be compared to the manner in which she chose to present them afterwards, when there was no longer formal government censorship, but when influences and constraints on her writing as a journalist and author came from elsewhere.

This chapter considers two institutions—the Fascist Party and the Catholic Church—that from the outset represented a challenge to Mussolini’s personal authority. Consideration is given to how the Fascist movement and Party had been instrumental in his coming to power, but the continuing militancy and violence of some local Party leaders threatened his aim of normalization to reassure the regime’s conservative support base and in his mind were potential rivals to his position. Once he consolidated his own power, he embarked on a series of initiatives to gain central state control over local parties which by 1927 had largely removed the threat to his personal position. The Lateran Accords agreed in February 1929 saw a reconciliation of the Catholic Church under Pope Pius XI with the Fascist state that helped give the regime considerable legitimacy. For Mussolini it however represented a compromise that sat uncomfortably with his totalitarian ambitions, while Pius XI became increasingly doubtful about such ambitions and the regime’s moves to European war, although his successor Pius XII (March 1939) proved more conciliatory towards Fascist policies.

Since the election of Narendra Modi in India in 2014 and Donald Trump in the USA in 2016, political analysts and commentators around the globe have increasingly used the concept of fascism to capture the rise of new right-wing authoritarianism in various countries. Activists and academics in Europe are much more reluctant to use the word fascism, for several reasons. One reason is that – because of the alarming associations which fascism evokes in German – the term was often instrumentalized, and used to discredit political opponents, without a sound theoretical analysis. There is also a big reluctance to transfer the term to countries outside Europe, especially to the countries in the South – because it would further relativize the concept. Walden Bello is a prominent voice who started using the concept of fascism since early 2017 for the new regime under Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. He repeated his analysis of Duterte as a “fascist original” and his regime as “creeping fascism” at the International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS) in July 2017 as well as in recent articles (Bello, 2017). In October 2017, Bello was among the founding members of a new group, the Laban ng Masa coalition to combat the “fascist” policy of Duterte (Villanueva, 2017). In his most recent paper in the Journal of Peasant Studies, he broadened his analysis and compared the rise of Fascism in Italy in the 1920s with the establishment of the New Order under Suharto in Indonesia in 1964/1965, Chile at times of the coup d’état in 1973, Thailand in 1976, and the Philippines today (Bello, 2018). With his articles and his political campaigns, he opened a new chapter of academic discussion and political activism on fascism in the South. Walden Bello is currently a professor of sociology at the State University of New York at Binghamton and senior research fellow at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies of Kyoto University in Japan. He served as a member of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from 2009 to 2015, during which he was chairman of the Committee on Overseas Workers Affairs. In our interview conducted in December 2017, we discussed theoretical problems in dealing with the concept of fascism as well as strategic challenges for political activism.

Italian Politics and Culture from Fascism to Postwar Democracy in the Life and Work of Uguccione Ranieri di Sorbello (1906–1969)

This conviction was born during the occupation, when, in the quiet of the underground, active members of political parties studied the new objectives and the new forms of a progressive and worth-while political program. It was in such labors that the leaders of the future Christian Social Party (P.S.C., Parti Social Chretien) acquired both experience and influence. The enemy occupant knew the attitudes of our people quite well and had rather detailed dossiers on the enemies of the Nazis, who were promptly forbidden to participate in public life and were even persecuted. Those who prior to the occupation had opposed the fascist movement were its first victims. L. Kiebooms, editor in chief of the Gazet van Ant-

This article examines the changes, starting in the 1980s, that marked the historiography of the economy during Fascism in Italy, and the different role that economic and social issues began to play in the interpretations of fascism. The article also esamine some general tendencies that characterize studies on Fascism over the past 30 years, such as the increasing fragmentation of research efforts (focusing mostly on individual cases and case studies, which led to a lack of works on the economy during Fascism in general); decreased research on labour history and on factories and workers; and a new approach to the role of the State and the intervention of Fascism on the economy with increased attention to the institution, practices and projects seen from a political and ideological perspective (such as corporatism and autarchy). However, due also to some cultural trends, the studies focusing on economic aspects and the relationship between socioeconomic players and the regime have lost the central role they had earlier in the historiography on Fascism.

The article explores the relationship between the fascist policy and the growing process of society consumerization in the period between the two wars in Italy. The paper examines the conflict between the aims of the regime that focused on masculinity, militancy and self-sacrifice, and the consumer world concentrated on comfort, pleasure and the feminization of advertising. The state actively contributed to the development of modernization, where the delay in granting suffrage led to a civil war, dictatorship and foreign occupation, and where there was an attempt on the part of the regime, that had proclaimed its commitment to transform the consciousness, values and character of the country’s citizens, to raise a new Italian. There also was a sacralization of some political institutions, and that sacralization started being intertwined with the cult of consumption. Besides, there emerged the trend towards the commercialization of the socio-political religion. During the elitist consumerism of the interwar period, the foundations of the advertising industry were laid and the new consumer practices and values were formed, which later became an integral part of the Italian way of life. Advertising images are evidence that fascism and the industry interests often, but not always, coincided. As part of the analysis of communication, image innovation and lifestyle in Fascist Italy, the data in the article provide insight into the extra-temporal value and the not-always-obvious unrelatedness of advertising and the dictatorial regime.

Why did an anti-Semitic regime that harshly persecuted Italian and foreign Jews since 1938, refuse to hand over to its German ally thousands of foreign Jews living in the Italian occupied territories? The article refuses to refer to fascist policies as a ‘rescue of the Jews’ and to use the myth ‘Italiani brava gente’ as an explaining factor for this policy. Rather, it refers to the relations between the two Axis partners, to the broader context of fascist policies of occupation, and to the nature and aims of fascist anti-Semitism. It shows that the Jews not handed over to the Germans were an exception, and that other Jews were turned back or expelled.

Notes on Contributors PART I: INTRODUCTION Translation and the History of Fascism C.Rundle & K.Sturge PART II: OVERVIEW ESSAYS Translation in Fascist Italy: 'The Invasion of Translations' C.Rundle 'Flight from the Programme of National Socialism'? Translation in Nazi Germany K.Sturge It was what it wasn't: Translation and Francoism J.Vandaele Translation in Portugal during the Estado Novo Regime T.Seruya PART III: CASE STUDIES Literary Exchange between Italy and Germany: German Literature in Italian Translation M.Rubino The Einaudi Publishing House and Fascist Policy on Translations F.Nottola French-German and German-French Poetry Anthologies 1943-45 F-R.Hausmann Safe Shakespeare: Performing Shakespeare During the Portuguese Fascist Dictatorship (1926-74) R.P.Coelho PART IV: RESPONSE The Boundaries of Dictatorship M.Philpotts Bibliography Index

The history of the Einaudi publishing house, particularly the relationship between Giulio Einaudi — as a citizen and a publisher — and the regime, has been widely explored and discussed (Turi 1990; Mangoni 1999; d’Orsi 2000). Important information about the publishing house in its early years can also be gathered from some of the memoirs of the people involved (Einaudi 1988, 1998, 2001; Ginzburg 1963, 1988; Cesari 1991) and from the many individual works about editors, writers and translators who worked with Casa Einaudi. In this chapter, I will analyse the way in which Giulio Einaudi managed to publish translations in Fascist Italy and the influence of domestic and foreign policies on the translation and publishing process.KeywordsForeign PolicyPublishing HouseScientific TextPrior AuthorizationAmerican AuthorThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Book Review| June 01 2022 Review: Modern Architecture, Empire, and Race in Fascist Italy Brian L. McLaren Modern Architecture, Empire, and Race in Fascist Italy Boston: Brill, 2021, 292 pp., 120 b/w illus. $144 (cloth), ISBN 9789004434592 Lucy M. Maulsby Lucy M. Maulsby Northeastern University Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (2022) 81 (2): 245–247. https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.2.245 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Lucy M. Maulsby; Review: Modern Architecture, Empire, and Race in Fascist Italy. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 1 June 2022; 81 (2): 245–247. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.2.245 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentJournal of the Society of Architectural Historians Search Architectural scholars frequently identify Benito Mussolini’s 1935 invasion of Ethiopia and subsequent “Declaration of Empire” speech on 9 May 1936 as critical moments in the Fascist state’s turn toward an aesthetically impoverished reactionary cultural agenda. Consequently, the monumental neoclassical buildings associated with the final, imperial phase of Mussolini’s Fascist regime have with few exceptions been given only cursory treatment by scholars of modern Italian architecture. Brian L. McLaren’s groundbreaking book Modern Architecture, Empire, and Race in Fascist Italy suggests a strategy for arriving at a more nuanced understanding of this period’s cultural complexities and, more specifically, of how empire and race—an issue frequently overlooked in architectural histories of this period—shaped Fascist architectural design, art, and city planning. The book focuses on the design and planning of two significant state-sponsored exhibitions: the 1942 Esposizione Universale di Roma (known as E42), and Naples’s 1940 Mostra Triennale delle Terre d’Oltremare (Mostra d’Oltremare). Through... You do not currently have access to this content.