Kritik als Urteilskraft – wenn Trolle post-kritisch nachahmen

This dissertation asks: What is the relationship between the political activity of undocumented migrants and the effectiveness of human rights law? The relationship between human rights law and migrant politics it is a two-way street; political rights provide an infrastructure and protection for political activities; and political activities in turn contribute to rights-making. The introductory chapter lays out a very specific definition of ‘right’ and ‘rights-making’. A right is not only ‘made’ when it becomes formal law—it is ‘made’ when it is realized; it is ‘made’ when it is applied; it is ‘made’ when it is used. This dissertation aims to inform effective interpretation of undocumented migrant political rights, in order to further the overall protection of undocumented migrant human rights. There exists extensive legal analysis about the inclusion and exclusion of undocumented migrants from different human rights, but this detailed analysis does not extend to political rights. The general exclusion of migrants from political rights is assumed without detailed legal analysis. At the same time, there is well developed literature from other disciplines on the political practices of migrants, which literature also suggest a relationship between these political practices and the effectivity of human rights law. Political theorists write that human rights-claiming constitutes rights subjectivity; sociologists and anthropologists write that migrant activism furthers access to the content of rights; political scientists write extensively on the political participation practices of migrants; and social movement and legal mobilization scholars write about the role of migrant activism in lobbying for treaty drafting and ratification, or engaging in strategic litigation to apply existing rights to migrant claimants. This dissertation brings together these different academic traditions within a human rights legal analysis to make sense of this political activity in a legal way. Rather than reverting to a legal analysis that focuses on state practices of exclusion at the border; or a habit of defining a political community as formal citizens, this dissertation encourages careful legal analysis of the political rights of migrants with attention for effectivity of the political rights that migrants ‘have’. Rather than reverting to a political theoretical analysis to understand the rights subjectivity of migrants, this dissertation shows when and how the migrant is the subject of political rights under human rights law. Part I of the dissertation contains a doctrinal analysis of the political rights of migrants under international human rights law. While Chapter 2 focuses on the political participation rights of ‘migrants’ broadly (documented and undocumented), Chapter 3 shifts to an analysis of ‘adjunct political rights’ (freedoms of expression, assembly, association) of undocumented migrants. Part II of the dissertation contains the legal ethnographic analysis with three case studies that explore the ‘use’ of adjunct political rights by undocumented migrant activists. Each of the three chapters in Part II focuses on the use one of the three adjunct political rights (expression, assembly, association) by undocumented migrant activists. The dissertation has suggested an epistemological shift toward thinking of the undocumented migrant rights subject not only as the recipient of piecemeal socio-economic rights, but as the political and legal subject—a rights-maker of human rights law. This shift has required a shifting lexicon on the political rights of migrants toward a conceptualization that reflects the political activities of migrants in multiple jurisdictions and against multiple duty bearers. This shift has also encouraged an engagement with the principle of effectiveness that is responsive to the unique ways that undocumented migrants exercise freedom, as understood through empirical legal scholarship.

Being a realist about human rights requires a sober understanding of the dynamics of power. Yet conventional realist accounts of power, which relegate human rights to the margins of world politics, misunderstand power’s complexities. Rights revolutions have transformed world politics, not the least by driving the shift from empires to a universal state system. This chapter explains this more complex relationship between rights and power, drawing on recent theories of ‘protean power’, where it emerges from innovation under conditions of uncertainty. Uncertainty is ubiquitous in world politics, but is accentuated by meaning indeterminacy and institutional complexity, conditions that are inherent to the politics of rights. The chapter concludes by illustrating this argument with a critique of recent accounts of the post-1945 politics of human rights.

With the widespread popularity of AI image generation tools, we have entered a creative landscape that is increasingly automated. In this new era, it is important to recognize that images that are created through AI tools can only reflect back the visual content they are trained on. In a way, the images we receive back from AI generation tools serve as aggregates of all it ‘knows’ of the visual world. Importantly, these mirrors of our visual world can include and reinforce tropes of visual style and subjects, as well as latent biases present in the art historical canon. Instead of passively consuming these AI reflections, we may instead approach them with a critical eye to better understand how visual meanings of art and media are produced, circulated and codified in AI systems. This visual essay illustrates and critiques how AI tools ‘learn’ and reproduce collective understandings about visual art and media worlds by presenting an exhibition of artificially generated ‘artworks’ derived from a set of fictionalized artist statements that represent common movements, issues, media and practices of historical and contemporary visual art. In this visual essay, the images produced act not only as artworks but also as sites of inquiry. By critically investigating and analysing how the AI generator constructs each image to represent these fictional artists, new insights may be revealed on how these technologies visualize the visual art world itself, and our knowledge of the art world may be advanced.

The international society approach to the study of international relations has advanced a distinct understanding of international order in world politics. Does this approach therefore also implicitly have a distinct understanding of disorder in world politics, too? From a close reading of this literature, and the writings of Hedley Bull in particular, I argue that a “purposive” understanding of disorder in world politics is evident, as well as a set of sociological explanations of it, including hierarchy conflict, political value conflict, and the structural contradictions of international society. I suggest that this approach is more insightful and promising for studying increasing manifestations of disorder in world politics than alternative realist approaches. Finally, I make the case that this concept's analytical utility and theoretical role in this approach is the assessment of the continued viability of international society as a path to order in world politics.

Persons with disabilities are any person who experiences physical, intellectual, mental, and/or sensory limitations in the long term who in interacting with the environment can experience obstacles and difficulties to participate fully and effectively with other citizens based on equal rights. This equality of rights includes the right to participate in politics as an example of political rights for persons with disabilities, namely to participate in general elections. Based on Article 13 of Law No. 8 of 2016 states that one of the political rights for persons with disabilities is the right to vote. In the case of elections, the general election commission becomes an institution that is responsible for the course of elections that occur in an area. In the South Angkola sub-district which is part of South Tapanuli, there is a South Tapanuli General Election Commission which is the institution in charge of the general elections in South Angkola sub-district. Based on research, it shows that the South Tapanuli General Election Commission as the organizer of the election in the South Angkola District area has made several efforts to fulfill political rights for people with disabilities in South Angkola District in organizing the general elections for the Regent and Deputy Regent. The efforts made by the General Election Commission of South Tapanuli are in accordance with Law No. 8 of 2016 on Persons with Disabilities by upholding the values of equality and equal opportunity for persons with disabilities to participate in the world of politics. The South Tapanuli General Election Commission in its implementation carried out fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in the General Election, making efforts such as, conducting special data collection for voters with disabilities, getting socialization about equal political rights for persons with disabilities in General Elections, Obtaining TPS that appropriate, obtaining special ballots and providing assistance for persons with disabilities to facilitate the delivery of political rights.‎

This concluding chapter argues that California's low-income working mothers and educators saved public child care as it vanished across the nation, leaving a one-of-a-kind program between World War II and the War on Poverty. While California's child care centers provided women with a valuable service, they also produced a few generations of active democratic subjects, women who realized a need beyond their own and took political action. Indeed, whether for a year or two, women who participated in the movement learned how to express their political rights. Some of the women were leftists or members of labor unions but for most, joining parents' councils or the statewide association was their first foray into the world of politics.

Fragments on New Media Arts and Science

In international politics, the discussion has always essentially focused on the sovereignty of nation-states. Nation-states are widely viewed as the only important actors in world politics. However, nation-states are by no means the only politically and economically significant actors in world politics. In the post-World War II era, non-state actors were recognized as having an important impact on world politics. This paper critically examines the ways in which and the extent to which the emergence of non-state actors such as Multinational Corporations, Transnational Advocacy Networks, Transnational Diaspora Communities, and Violent Non-State Actors in world politics affects the relevance of nation-states who were initially regarded as the sole actor in world politics from the realist perspective. The complex interdependence theory is adopted as the framework of analysis. This study uses qualitative research method of analysis, and lean only on secondary data. The findings show that the state-centric image of world politics is both inaccurate and potentially damaging for the analysis of world politics. A state-centric focus, no matter its level of sophistication, can limit the ability of both academics and policymakers to describe, explain, and manage the complexity of the world arena. Non-state actors are making their contributions, both positively and negatively, to the state system.

Using guohua, the indigenous art form of China, as the point of entry, this thesis seeks to explore and interrogate the discourse both of guohua itself, and the wider discourse of Chinese modernism in the visual arts. It does this through examining newly adopted modem artistic practices of the Republican period, namely; art associations, journals, exhibitions, and the art market. Guohua, literally 'national painting', was a new term and new concept which has long been associated in the standard narrative of modern Chinese art history with tradition, backwardness, and conservatism. It is the aim of this thesis to correct the mistaken reading of guohua as essentially 'traditional', by closely analyzing primary source materials, mainly newspapers and magazines, published in the Republican period. Adopting the concept of 'artistic field' postulated by Pierre Bourdieu, this thesis will reconstruct the 'logic of the field' in the Shanghai art world of the Republican era. In the light of the sociological definition of 'art world', the thesis attempt to contextualize the visual arts through concentrating on the modes of production and consumption of painting in Shanghai. Focusing on the years 1929 to 1937, this research demonstrates how the young generation of guohua artists appropriated new practices and embraced new attitudes towards the artistic profession, and in doing so professionalized and institutionalized guohua. The chapters are thematically organized to deal with modem artistic practices from the art society to the art market, aiming to unpack the discursive practices of guohua, and to redefine and redefine the discourse of modern China and Chinese modernity.

For an aspiring Australian artist, a sojourn north to the world’s large cultural centres has become a rite of passage and to some extent a requirement to achieve recognition both abroad and at home. Many of Australia’s most recognised artists have spent some or a considerable amount of time abroad, such as musician Peter Sculthorpe, painter Arthur Streeton and contemporary indigenous photographer Tracy Moffatt. Despite the frequency of this rite of passage, Australian art continues to struggle to achieve significant international recognition. This article considers the influence of this rite of passage for Australian artists in the context of a rapidly changing global art world, which is increasingly subject to changing production and consumption patterns. It does so in the context of what Bourdieu describes as a cultural field and which involves a complex arrangement of horizontal and vertical power relationships. The paper also considers the extent to which this rite of passage is relevant in the second decade of the 21st century and for a nation which, although having strong historical ties to Britain in particular, is geographically closer to Asia and in a time of the Asian century.

Reviewed by: Picturing the Beautiful Game: A History of Soccer in Visual Culture and Art ed. by Daniel Haxall Michał Mazurkiewicz Haxall, Daniel, ed. Picturing the Beautiful Game: A History of Soccer in Visual Culture and Art. New York: Bloomsbury Visual Arts, 2019. Pp. 296. Acknowledgments, illustrations, tables, terminology and word usage, notes, bibliography, index. $99.00, hb. Numerous artists have drawn inspiration from sports competition, and the amount of scholarship dedicated to the study of sport in art has increased recently. Picturing the Beautiful Game—focusing on soccer—continues this research, covering a wide range of topics. The editor, Daniel Haxall, has gathered a cast of authors specializing in disciplines such as sport and art history, sociology, and media studies. Different perspectives enrich the volume, which thus offers a multifaced history of the world's most popular game. The book is divided into six major parts, each consisting of two chapters. First, the editor offers a useful introduction that presents soccer as "the most common avenue for uniting art and sport" (2) and defines the aim of the monograph: "this collections of essays considers the way soccer has been promoted, commemorated, and contested in visual arts" (2). Next, Haxall analyzes soccer as the subject for academic study, discusses exhibitions and art museums of soccer, and briefly describes the contributions to follow. In Part I, "Soccer and Mass Media," Alexander Leese offers insights into English late nineteenth-century soccer and draws attention to Victorian illustrated newspapers, focusing on three artists whose works demonstrate "how the game was played, watched, and officiated" (20). Luke Healey explores contemporary web-based GIF, which "provides an especially pertinent example of the visual culture of football in the early twenty-first century" (47). "Soccer and Memory," Part II, "considers soccer in the context of memory, ranging from nostalgia to commemoration" (10). Mike O'Mahony discusses the "Football and the Fine Arts" exhibition against the background of postwar British culture. He concentrates on artworks depicting crowds and the stadium atmosphere. The chapter provides—among others—an eye-opening study of painters such as Gerald Cains. Christopher Stride, Ffion E. Thomas, and Nick Catley analyze the desire to commemorate athletes, emphasizing statues of sportspeople. They present a detailed list of sculptures of this type and devote the core of the paper to three statues erected in honor of legendary manager Brian Clough. The next part, "Soccer and Modernism," examines modern and postmodern depictions of athletes. Przemysław Strożek describes early twentieth-century Italian and Russian avant-gardes, showing "how images of footballers operated as signifiers of modernity and artistic transformation from the 1910s to 1930s" (98). Chris McAuliffe looks into soccer and spectacle in contemporary art and sheds light on how the authors view society through soccer (an interesting international perspective). The fourth part, "Soccer and Gender," explores women in the world of soccer. Jennifer Doyle chronicles a history of women's exclusion in representations of soccer and critically analyzes feminist sport art. Carrie Dunn deftly explores the visual consumption of athletes in the media, offering a sociological study [End Page 175] of British female fans. She notes the high level of their media consumption but also that "they have to negotiate their identities, as fans and as women, in an institutionally sexist sport and an institutionally sexist fandom, reinforced by the media they consume" (165). In Part V, "Soccer and Global Politics," the analysis first zooms into African art. Daniel Haxall presents selected Ghanaian artists, for whom "soccer serves as a powerful metaphor, allowing [them] to engage immigration, global capitalism, fan behavior, and other issues bound within the politics of Ghana's most popular sport" (171). Also, such issues as spirituality and ritualism in sport are touched on here. Christopher Collier deals with three-sided soccer, sketching "a preliminary history of the game, tentatively exploring connections to the wider thought of its mercurial inventor—a man once labeled 'the greatest painter of the 1950s' [Asger Jorn]—and the group of which he was once a member, the Situationist International" (191). The first paper of Part VI ("Soccer and Commercialization'), by Jean Williams, analyzes World Cup posters and, to be more precise, "argues that the posters...

Associative Solidarity, Relational Goods, and Autonomy for Refugees: What Does it Mean to Stand in Solidarity with Refugees?

Although the nineteenth century in England was dominated by the figure of the female monarch, Queen Victoria, women had virtually no political rights. The voices critical of their political impairment, notably John Stuart Mill’s The subjection of women, did not bring any significant change, so that women were granted political rights on equal terms with men as late as 1928. However, women’s political rights and their involvement in the world of politics did become an important issue, which found its way into fiction. This paper is concerned with Anthony Trollope’s The Prime Minister and the way he presented women who, dissatisfied with the limitations of their prescribed domestic life, got involved into politics. Although women could participate in politics only through their husbands or fathers, Trollope nevertheless represented them as powerful, if invisible, agents, grey eminences of the political life in England. Not only was the social world dominated by women a shadow of the male political world, social coteries being an equivalent of political parties, but it also influenced the political world. However, although Trollope did grant women a relatively large scope for action in his novels, he nevertheless presented them as limited by the demands of the ideology of separate spheres, especially that their too direct and indiscreet interference into the political world might meet with condemnation. Therefore, far from abolishing the boundary between the private and the public altogether, Trollope nevertheless revealed how blurry and porous it was.

Must Art Have a ‘Place’? Questioning the Power of the Digital Art-Scape

List of Abbreviations and Acronyms Preface Notes on the Contributors PART I: INTRODUCTION Non-State Actors in World Politics: A Framework W.Wallace & D.Josselin The Romance of Non-State Actors F.Halliday PART II: NON-STATE ACTORS AND PRINCIPAL BELIEFS The Catholic Church as a Transnational Actor D.Ryall Political Parties in a Global Age J.Smith Non-State Actors as Moral Entrepreneurs: A Transnational Perspective on Ethics Networks A.Colonomos PART III: EXPERTS AND INTERESTS IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE Policy Networks, Non-State Actors and Internationalized Policymaking: A Case-study of Agricultural Trade W.D.Coleman The 'Policy Research' Knowledge Elite and Global Policy Processes D.Stone Transnational Corporations and Global Environmental Politics I.Rowlands Unravelling the Faustian Bargain Non-State Actors and the Multilateral Agreement on Investment A.Walter Back to the Frontline? Trade Unions in a Global Age D.Josselin PART IV: THE STATE UNDER SIEGE? Outsourcing War C.Coker Underworld and Upperworld: Transnational Organized Crime and Global Society M.Galeotti Diasporas in World Politics E.Ostergaard-Nielsen Islamic Movements as Non-State Actors and Their Relevance to International Relations K.Dalacoura PART V: CONCLUSION Non-State Actors in World Politics: The Lessons D.Josselin & W.Wallace Index