Kontra Narasi atas Tanggapan Ibnu Rusyd terhadap Imam Al-Ghazali Terkait Apostesi Filosof

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The dialogue between Imam Al-Ghazali and Ibn Rushd is one of the most monumental stories in the study of Islamic philosophy, in which his criticism of Al-Ghazali is refuted by Ibn Rushd with his various arguments. The purpose of this article is to strengthen Imam Al-Ghazali's criticism of the philosophical eschatological paradigm. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. The results of this study indicate that (1) Imam Al-Ghazali sentenced the philosophers to be disbelievers who held this view of nature as eternality, God does not know the details, and the resurrection of the soul on the Day of Judgment. (2) However, this verdict was criticized by Ibn Rushd. That nature is eternal, because its existence coincides with the beginning of time. Then this knowledge of God has nothing to do with a detailed or global model of knowledge, because God is the substance that causes an object to exist. Then this religious text is metaphorical in nature, so it is not certain that it is the body that is resurrected. (3) It's just that, the majority of scholars' from Sunni circles support Imam Al-Ghazali's statement. They based it on religious texts QS. Al-Hadid verse 3 about the eternality of nature, QS Al-An'am verse 28 regarding the knowledge of God, and QS Al-Kahf verse 47 and Al-Anbiya '104 regarding the resurrection of the body.

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Ibn Rushd’s Heritage in Western PhilosophyrnIbn Rushd grew up in Andalusia as a versatile Islamic thinker. Ibn Rushd’s knowledge of both religious and theoretical sciences made him unique in later periods. Although it has never received the recognition it deserves in the Islamic world, it has been one of the leading drivers of change, transformation and intellectual revolution for Western civilization. Ibn Rushd’s sudden fall from grace in Andalusia and the burning of his works, which he had written with hard work and which also built his commitment to Islam, limited his influence in the Islamic world. On the other hand, the demographics of the place of exile, the presence of Jews among his students, and the strong recommendation of Moses Maimonides, the so-called “Second Moses”, gave Ibn Rushd a tremendous reputation within the Jewish community. For this reason, Ibn Rushd attracted the attention of Jewish scholars while he was still alive. Shortly after his death, almost all of his works were translated into Hebrew. These studies, which started with the Tibbon family, gained momentum and continued for years. Moreover, his works have not only been translated, but also extensively commented upon. In this context, what Ibn Rushd did to Aristotle’s acquis, Jewish thinkers did to Ibn Rushd’s works. He replaced Aristotle in Jewish thought. Ibn Rushd became one of the most important figures read, discussed and commented upon among Jews. Thus, schools of thought were formed around his views and thoughts. Ibn Rushd shaped the thought of Jewish thinkers in many areas such as ontology, epistemology, ethics and politics, the relationship between religion and philosophy, and logic.rnAnother civilization that Ibn Rushd influenced was the Christian Western society. The Christian West, which generally preferred to resist Muslims, underwent a paradigm shift after the 12th century. Although Westerners continued to clash politically and militarily, they acted with an intellectual consciousness in transferring the acquis of Islamic civilization to their own societies in intellectual and scientific developments. Frederick II and Alfonso X, the so-called “Wise King”, played a major role here. In this process of transmission, it is seen that Ibn Rushd is mostly utilized. Because reading Ibn Rushd is a necessary way to understand Aristotle in the West. In this context, Ibn Rushd was discussed early on and for a long time in many universities such as Paris, Oxford, Bologna, Padua, Salerno, etc. He pioneered the formation of a school called the Latin Averroists. For this reason, Ibn Rushd was subjected to harsh criticism for some of the ideas of this school, even though they did not belong to him. On the other hand, on many philosophical problems, he shaped the thought of dozens of Christian thinkers, most notably Albert the Great and his student Thomas Aquinas. For this reason, Ibn Rushd played a decisive role in the Renaissance, which heralded a great change in the West.rnKeywords: Islamic Philosophy, Jewish Philosophy, Christian Philosophy, Andalusia, Ibn Rushd, Influence

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Ethics is one part that can’t be given a distance from the discipline of philosophy. This happened because Greek philosophy also contributed to the birth of Islamic philosophy. In addition, ethics is also a very vital and substantial part of the discipline. Al-Ghazālī himself is a scholar, a philosopher, and a Sufi who is very intelligent and productive. In this case, the concept of Islamic ethics according to al-Ghazālī towards the opinions of philosophers who lead to disbelief, there are three problems, first, the natural faith. Second, God does not know things that are particular (juziyat), but only knows things that are universal (kulliyāt). Third, physical awakening. However, the ethical concept disputed by al-Ghazālī received a rebuttal from one of the Islamic leaders who were no less great, namely Ibn Rushd. Keywords: Ethics, Islam, al-Ghazālī

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Reviewed by: Renaissance Averroism and Its Aftermath: Arabic Philosophy in Early Modern Europe ed. by Anna Akasoy and Guido Giglioni Steven Harvey Anna Akasoy and Guido Giglioni, editors. Renaissance Averroism and Its Aftermath: Arabic Philosophy in Early Modern Europe. International Archives of the History of Ideas, 211. Dordrecht: Springer, 2013. Pp. viii + 405. Cloth, $179.00. This rich volume of fifteen papers comprises the proceedings of a conference held at the Warburg Institute in 2008, with three additional papers. It begins with a learned introduction by one of the two editors, Guido Giglioni, that maps out the volume, outlines its main themes, and points to the care the editors have taken “in this volume” to distinguish Ibn Rushd, the twelfth-century historical figure, from Averroes, his literary incarnation in the Latin West, and to distinguish “between ‘Averroan’ [‘any philosophical view that belongs directly to Ibn Rushd’], ‘Averroist’ [any opinion held by a follower of Ibn Rushd in the medieval Latin West] and ‘Averroistic’ [‘the general cultural label denoting a pronounced [End Page 612] (vaguely Aristotelian) rationalistic attitude’]” (1–2). While scholars have long recognized the need to distinguish between Ibn Rushd’s teachings and those attributed to him by later thinkers, the pedantic distinction between Ibn Rushd’s teachings and those of Averroes seems misplaced and even misleading (and is not followed consistently in this book). Scholars of Ibn Rushd today who read him in the Arabic original do not always agree on his personal views (see, on this point, Anna Akasoy’s essay), particularly regarding philosophical problems such as God’s knowledge of particulars and the creation/eternity of the world. On the other hand, those who seek to understand Ibn Rushd through reading the medieval Latin translations are often able to do so. The key questions here concerning the medieval Latin readers are not semantic, but rather simply, did X read Averroes? Does he cite him approvingly? Does he seem to understand him? To what purpose does he use him? All too often in this volume, we are left to wonder in what ways Averroes parts from Ibn Rushd (and an Averroist teaching from an Averroan one), for example, Averroes’s view of supreme happiness (although curiously there is no reference in this volume to his commentary on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics). The opening paper, one of my favorites, is Amos Bertolacci’s account of the critique of Averroes (=Ibn Rushd) against Avicenna on human spontaneous generation. For Bertolacci, who elsewhere has surveyed such criticisms by Ibn Rushd, Avicenna, “albeit negatively … is one of the most important sources of Averroes’s system”(39). Here he deftly traces Ibn Rushd’s various critiques in different places of Avicenna’s position on this topic—most interestingly, that it violates the principle of the necessary inherence of complex forms, like that of man, in specific matters; argues they are “representative of Averroes’s overall anti-Avicennian position” (41); and shows they do not present Avicenna’s views accurately. It may be noted that the highlighted inconsistencies here between Averroes’s Tahāfut and his long commentaries may be attributed to their different intentions and his considering only the latter demonstrative books. Charles Burnett’s short but sweet paper on the mid-sixteenth-century Latin editions of Aristotle’s corpus with Averroes’s commentaries spells out what is little known about the editors of these editions and their editorial policies and interests. Notwithstanding, his conclusion that the changes from edition to edition reflect “the developments in the academic circles in Padua and can hint at not only the academic discussions going on there, but also at the tensions, loyalties, and passions of the personalities involved” (64)seems a bit grandiose for the paper. Craig Martin’s suggestive chapter on the Latin commentaries on Averroes and, in particular, the sixteenth-century Latin supercommentaries on his Aristotelian commentaries, points to reasons for Averroes’s growing popularity during that century. The Latins turned to Averroes not only for his remarkably reliable philosophical expositions, but also because of his agreement with the Greek commentators, and his being a reliable source for their teachings (Dag Hasse would add for his philosophically attractive unicity of the intellect thesis...

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This paper aims to analyzing the thought of a character (Ibn Rushd) to education, and its relevance to modern education. The research method used in this paper is content analysis. This paper uses a qualitative approach (library research) and then analyzes the sources that have been collected and then provides conclusions related to the material in the paper. The results showed that Ibn Rushd's concept of thinking leads to freedom of thought in developing science in the world of Islamic education without having to be limited to objects, be it exact or metaphysical; there is a compatibility between Ibn Rushd's education using the burhānī method with modern world education, it can be seen from the development of science in Islamic education.

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Epistemologi Ibnu Rusyd (Telaah Relasi Wahyu dan Rasio)
  • Jun 24, 2022
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  • Muslikhul Ibad + 1 more

This article was written with the aim of examining Ibn Rushd's thoughts in bringing together religion and philosophy. Ibn Rushd views that there was a peaceful relationship between sharia and philosophy because apart from placing the two as a means of achieving the truth and affirming that they supported each other, not deny each other in the form of the principle of unification. That means, both were in one goal, namely to find the truth. The research method used by the author was library research. While the results of the study explained that in Ibn Rushd's view, to bring together philosophy and religion, a tool was needed, namely the mind. Ibn Rushd gave his own area of ??work on revelation and the intellect (ratio) and tried to link the two through his theory of takwil. Takwil was used to bridge the difference between the meaning of textuality and rational understanding.

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Miracle stories in sacred texts have been a source of both fascination and heated debate across religious traditions. Qur'anic miracle stories are especially interesting because they are part of a discourse that also de-emphasises the miraculous. By looking at how three scholars have engaged with Qur'anic miracle stories, I here investigate how these narratives have been interpreted in diverse and fruitful ways. The first part of the article analyses how two medieval scholars, al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) and Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198), engaged with the implications of miracle stories. Taking his cue from miracle stories, al-Ghazālī offered a sophisticated critique of natural determinism and suggested that the natural order should be perceived as a constantly renewed divine gift. In contrast, Ibn Rushd dismissed al-Ghazālī’s critique as sophistry and maintained that accepting the possibility that the natural order might be suspended was an affront to human knowledge and science. In the second part, I turn to Bediuzzaman Said Nursi (1870–1960), whose interpretation offers a crystallisation of al-Ghazālī’s insights as well as, surprisingly, an indirect confirmation of Ibn Rushd's concerns about human knowledge and science. Nursi redefines the miraculous in light of miracle stories, and interprets them as reminders of ‘everyday miracles’ and as encouragements to improve science and technology in God's name.

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