Abstract

Many people believe that when national security is threatened, federal courts should defer to the government. Many other people believe that in times of crisis, citizens are vulnerable to a kind of “panic” that leads to unjustified intrusions on liberty. But to date, there is little information about what federal courts have actually done in this domain, especially in the period after the attacks of September 11, 2001. On the basis of a comprehensive study of relevant courts of appeals decisions in the aftermath of those attacks, this essay offers four findings. First, the invalidation rate is about 15 percent – low, but not so low as to suggest that federal courts have applied a broad rule of deference to government action. Second, the division between Republican and Democratic appointees is comparable to what is found in other areas of the law; contrary to reasonable expectations, there is no significant “compression” of ideological divisions in this domain. Third, and perhaps most strikingly, no panel effects are apparent here. Unlike in the vast majority of other areas, Republican and Democratic appointees do not appear to vote differently if they are sitting with Republican or Democratic appointees. Finally, judicial behavior cannot be shown to have changed over time. The invalidation rate is not higher in recent years than it was in the years immediately following the 9/11 attacks. Explanations are ventured for these various findings, with particular reference to the absence of discernible panel effects.

Highlights

  • In the aftermath of the attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress and the executive branch have embarked on a number of new initiatives, raising a series of fresh legal questions.[1]

  • Many people believe that when national security is threatened, federal courts should defer to the government

  • Many other people believe that in times of crisis, citizens are vulnerable to a kind of “panic” that leads to unjustified intrusions on liberty

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Summary

Introduction

In the aftermath of the attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress and the executive branch have embarked on a number of new initiatives, raising a series of fresh legal questions.[1]. Widely held, the argument for a strong judicial role is not at all weakened when a national security threat leads the elected branches to test the legal boundaries.[9] In “perilous times,”[10] it might be thought, those branches are especially prone to a serious form of lawlessness, and it becomes all the more important for courts to insist on compliance with the rule of law On this view, the system of checks and balances, including an independent judiciary, is no less dispensable when the stakes are high and damaging intrusions on liberty are likely.[11] Defenders of this position contend that history is on their side: Intrusions on civil liberties, popular at the time but indefensible in retrospect, have occurred at many periods in American history.[12]. It offers an account of why the typical pattern is not observed in national security cases, and of when and why we should expect to see judges (and perhaps others) strongly affected by the views of their colleagues

Ideological Differences and Panel Effects
Method
Results
Invalidation Rates
Ideological Voting
Panel Effects
Conclusion
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