John Quincy Adams: Policymaker for the Union

Abstract

John Quincy Adams: Policymaker for the Union. By James E. Lewis Jr. (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 2001. Pp. xxv, 164. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $17.95.) Although John Quincy Adams's achievements in foreign policy as secretary of state from 1817 to 1825 have long overshadowed his presidency (1825-- 1829) and his later career in the House of Representatives (1831-1848), James E. Lewis Jr. successfully demonstrates that Adams's foreign policy objectives were inextricably bound to his overall political philosophy and to his approach to domestic policy. While John Quincy Adams: Policymaker for the Union is part of the Biographies in American Foreign Policy series, Lewis takes a far broader and much-needed approach to his subject, producing a fascinating study that examines the length and breadth of John Quincy Adams's long political career and assesses his contributions to the policy debates that shaped the early republic. Throughout the book, Lewis emphasizes that John Quincy Adams reflected the political outlook and objectives of the Founding Fathers more than those of his own generation. Adams had been trained for a political career by his parents, who instilled in him the Puritan values of a strong work ethic and dedication to promoting the commonwealth, the Enlightenment's emphasis upon reason and republican ideology, and the manner and refinement of a proper gentlemen. These were traits that he would display throughout his career. More important, however, Lewis stresses that the young John Quincy Adams grew to reflect the views of the Founding Fathers, who saw union of the states and neutrality from European conflicts as the two keys to maintaining the central objectives of the American Revolution: securing independence and preserving republican government. Adams's commitment to these principles had a profound impact not only upon his as a statesman but also upon his actions as a politician. Much to the chagrin of his family and his colleagues, Adams sought to maintain his political independence, to remain above factional or party struggles, and to pursue what he regarded as the best national interests. Thus, he split with the Federalists over their opposition to the Louisiana Purchase and the Embargo Act, sacrificing his seat in the U. S. Senate in the process. Although some have compared Adams to Austrian Foreign Minister Klemens von Metternich, Lewis stresses that Adams faced a far more daunting challenge as secretary of state because of the inherent weakness of America's federal union. Adams recognized the limitations of exercising foreign policy in a federal republic and often used this weakness to his own advantage in negotiating with European powers because it allowed him to deflect European criticism and anger over the actions of states and citizens. Adams's experiences as a diplomat and a member of the Senate prepared him well for the role of secretary of state. The War of 1812, in particular, had demonstrated to Adams the profound weakness of the union and convinced him that the federal government must pursue that would strengthen the union and secure its independence. As secretary of state, therefore, Adams not only pursued a foreign policy devoted to maintaining American neutrality in European conflict and establishing peaceful relations with the European powers but also promoted domestic designed to tie the interests of the sections to the union: He never doubted that these two 'systems'-avoiding European disputes and cementing American union-depended upon each other, demanding a single approach to policy making rather than separate foreign and domestic policies (39). Lewis emphasizes that many of Adams's successes as secretary of state-the Convention of 1818 with Great Britain, the Transcontinental Treaty with Spain, and the Monroe Doctrine-occurred not because of careful planning but because of unexpected events. In particular, Lewis stresses Adams's toward Spain. …