Jesus and His Name

The Church Fathers presented a decidedly negative stance toward all public spectacles of their time, which they generally accused of being immoral and idola­trous in nature. For this reason, the ancient Church, although it has inherited many spectacular elements (especially in the area of liturgy – processions and acclama­tions, among others; and in the sphere of the language – many terms, expressions and comparisons), has never created its own drama. Many authors of that time, especially those concerned with pastoral implica­tions, noticed that this definitely negative attitude was failing in practice, because many Christians, even though they had renounced the spectacular splendor of the devil at baptism, often attended spectacles, because it was very difficult to eradi­cate their desire to watch performances, which they treated as a public pleasure they are entitled to (voluptates). In response to this situation, many early Christian writers renounced efforts to uproot people’s desire for viewing pleasure, and proposed to change the sub­ject being viewed. Instead of harmful public spectacles, they suggested watching Christian substitute performances, which included beautiful scenery of nature (as was already suggested by some stoics), but most often more expressive biblical scenes or events. The author of the article selects and presents five early Christian writers – Tertullian, Novatian, St. John Chrysostom, St. Augustine and Quodvultdeus, who openly wrote about such substitute Christian performances.

Book Review| April 01 2000 Love between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism Love between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism, Bernadette J. Brooten. Elizabeth A. Castelli Elizabeth A. Castelli Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of Biblical Literature (2000) 119 (1): 127–129. https://doi.org/10.2307/3267982 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Elizabeth A. Castelli; Love between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism. Journal of Biblical Literature 1 January 2000; 119 (1): 127–129. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3267982 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveSBL PressJournal of Biblical Literature Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

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Emmanuel Falque, one of the foremost philosophers working in the continental philosophy of religion today, takes us by the hand into the very heart of 12th-century monastic spirituality. Translated into English for the first time, The Book of Experience weaves together contemporary phenomenological questions with medieval theology, revealing undiscovered dialogues already underway between Hugh of St. Victor and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, between Richard of St. Victor and Emmanuel Levinas, between Aelred of Rievaulx and Michel Henry, and not least between Bernard of Clairvaux and the trio of Descartes, Heidegger, and Jean-Luc Marion, consummating in a masterful phenomenological reading of Bernard’s sermons on the Song of Songs. Whether it is a question of ‘the idea that comes to God’ (Anselm of Canterbury) or actively ‘feeling oneself fully alive’ (Aelred of Rievaulx or Bernard of Clairvaux), Falque uses these encounters to shed light on both parties, medieval and modern, theological and philosophical. Leading us through works of art, landscapes, architectures, and liturgies, this major contemporary philosopher of religion clarifies mysteries and discovers experience lying at the heart of the medieval tradition.

The patristic exegesis of Joh 4:21–24 and the true worship in Jerusalem (part II)We continue the presentation of reflection on Joh 4:21–24. (The first part of the study devoted to this theme appeared in “Biblica et Patristica Thoruniensia” 9(2016)4, p. 75–97). The Christian literature indicates that this passage allowed the development of various problems. The pericope in question had many interpretations in the history of exegesis. The writings of Christian authors have intertwined not only the questions of biblical interpretation. We have seen the authors of Antiochene provenance in the various historical-doctrinal contexts (John Chrysostom, Teodor of Mopsuestia and Teodoret of Cyrrus). Instead, on the other side, Cyril of Alexandria was found. Augustin of Hippo is approached to the Eastern Fathers. The use of the terms present in Joh 4:21–24 shows that this text was able to catalyze issues of decisive importance. It was not only exegetical or ritual problems, but also philosophical, historical and spiritual questions. Commentators of this period pointed to the cult “in the spirit and truth” as a characteristic feature of Christianity. However, the early Christian writers also saw the specific implications of this truth and its impact on the Christian’s life.

300Reviews The bilingual dictionary receives cursory treatment in this book even though the writing of bilingual dictionaries usually preceded the writing of monolingual dictionaries in the early history of lexicography. Dozens and dozens of problems unique to bilingual lexicography are neglected or ignored in this book even though the bilingual dictionary is an important tool for international understanding by virtue of its contribution to translation and interpretation. The title of the book might well have included the word "monolingual" in order to read Dictionaries. The Art and Craft of Monolingual Lexicography. Nevertheless, Landau has created what may be the best book ever published for the teaching of lexicography. It has just the right mix of simplicity and complexity. The author combines accessibility for the novice with professional considerations of interest to those already in the discipline. Roger J. Steiner University of Delaware * * * A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Arndt, William F., F. Wilbur Gingrich, and Frederick W. Danker. 2d ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979. xl + 900 pp. $42.50. Shorter Lexicon of the Greek New Testament. Gingrich, F. Wilbur, and Frederick W. Danker. 2d ed. Chicago: U Chicago P, 1983. xii + 221 pp. $20.00. Why make a dictionary for the Greek words of the New Testament and other early Christian writings? Why not use existing dictionaries of ancient Greek? One reason is that including only the words of these Christian writings makes possible more thorough treatment than could be given in the same space to a more comprehensive vocabulary. But a more important reason is that the Greek of these writings is not classical Greek. At least as long ago as the seventeenth century, Reviews301 scholars noticed the differences between the Greek of the New Testament books and that of most literary writings of the first century, which used much the same Greek as the writings of the Classical period several hundred years earlier. Some ascribed the differences to the influence of Hebrew on Christian writers; others contended that it was a purer Greek, written under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. It was not until the 1890s, when non-literary writings in first-century Greek were discovered, particularly in Egyptian papyrus records and letters, that the Greek of the New Testament was recognized for what it was—the everyday Greek of the Hellenistic world of the first century A.D., known as koine, "the common language." As the English of today differs from that of Chaucer, Koine differed from Classical Greek in vocabulary, word forms, and grammar. To help read Koine Greek, grammars and dictionaries have been made, though none yet covers the whole corpus of writings in Koine. The Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (hereafter GELNT) is the latest product of a long line of philological dictionaries developed by New Testament scholars and their critics. The first dictionary of New Testament Greek was a Greek-Latin glossary published in 1 522. New Testament words were first explained in English in 1639. The present work is a lineal descendent of a Greek-German dictionary published in 1910. This was revised, first in 1928, by another German scholar, Walter Bauer, and his editions with their thorough scholarship came to dominate the field. The first edition of GELNT (1957) was a translation and adaptation of Bauer's fourth edition (1952). The present work is augmented in part from Bauer's fifth edition (1958). It is the product of more than fifteen years of revision by W. Wilbur Gingrich, professor emeritus of Greek and religion at Albright College, Reading, Pennsylvania, and by Frederick W. Danker, a professor in the Department of Exegetical Theology, New Testament, at Christ Seminary-Seminex and at the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago. How well does GELNT meet the needs and expectations of its prospective users? As a measure of this, the reviewer will use the findings of a survey that he conducted in 1967 to learn what users of New Testament lexicons wanted. 302Reviews Does the dictionary cover all the texts being studied by scholars of the New Testament and Early Christian writings? All respondents to the survey, of...

The Covenant Formulary in Old Testament, Jewish, and Early Christian Writings. By Klaus Baltzer Translated by D. E. Green Pp. ix+221. Philadelphia: Fortress Press; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971. £3.75 Get access The Covenant Formulary in Old Testament, Jewish, and Early Christian Writings. By Klaus Baltzer Translated by D. E. Green Pp. ix+221. Philadelphia: Fortress Press; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971. £3.75. A. S. Herbert A. S. Herbert Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Journal of Theological Studies, Volume XXV, Issue 1, January 1974, Page 251, https://doi.org/10.1093/jts/XXV.1.251 Published: 01 January 1974

Book Review| October 01 2004 The Message and the Kingdom: How Jesus and Paul Ignited a Revolution and Transformed the Ancient World The Message and the Kingdom: How Jesus and Paul Ignited a Revolution and Transformed the Ancient World, Richard A. Horsley Neil Asher Silberman. Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of Biblical Literature (2004) 123 (3): 564–568. https://doi.org/10.2307/3268058 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte; The Message and the Kingdom: How Jesus and Paul Ignited a Revolution and Transformed the Ancient World. Journal of Biblical Literature 1 January 2004; 123 (3): 564–568. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3268058 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveSBL PressJournal of Biblical Literature Search Advanced Search Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Book Reviews You do not currently have access to this content.

In this chapter Denis Renevey examines the ways in which writers in the Greek world and, later, western religious teachers used the name of ‘Jesus’ in contemplative practices, and offers ‘answers as to the way in which knowledge of the power of the name “Jesus” was appropriated for different purposes in the two differing Christian traditions, and according to distinct spiritual ideologies’. Renevey discusses the influence of Origen in the development of knowledge about the powerful potential of the name of Jesus and goes on to highlight the attachment to the name in Orthodox liturgical practice from about the ninth century, an attachment that in the fervency of its language anticipates western traditions of affectivity. Among western writers, Renevey focuses on Anselm of Canterbury and Bernard of Clairvaux, the former promoting affective use of the name in personal devotion, the latter in a communal monastic context, as part of a well-conceived devotional scheme.

Reviewed by: Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian Writings by Jennifer Otto Todd Berzon Jennifer Otto Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian Writings Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 Pp. 256. $84.50. Jennifer Otto's detailed yet eminently readable monograph sees in Philo of Alexandria a hermeneutic of collective identity for three early Christian writers, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Eusebius of Caesarea. Philo's own identity, as a Jewish biblical interpreter and Platonic thinker, afforded these authors the conceptual space in which to elaborate the contours of Christianness vis-a-vis a proximate Jewishness (the author generally avoids the terms Christianity and Judaism because, she says, they anachronistically connote the category of religion). Otto further contends that Philo was harnessed by Christians not simply to elaborate the differences between Jewishness and Christianness, but also "to establish Christianity as a virtuous way of life, parallel to the pursuits of the philosophical schools" (2). Otto's book thus concerns itself with the circumstances in which early Christians invoked Philo as an interpreter who could link facets of Christianness, Jewishness, and (pagan) philosophy and yet simultaneously differentiate them. The Introduction situates Philo's Christian reception in relation to a number of highly contentious issues in the study of early Christian representations of Jewishness. Otto conceptualizes Philo as a lens for revisiting questions about the parting of the ways, the differences in Christian usages of the terms Ioudaioi, Hebraioi, and Israel, the relationship between ancient notions of ethnicity and way of life, and the idea of Christianity as a philosophy. Otto's survey of the relevant scholarly literature is helpful and clear, though the various sub-sections of the Introduction have a disjunctive flow. It is only in the ensuing chapters that the relationship between these questions becomes slightly clearer. In Chapter One, Otto elaborates how Clement likely came to possess Philonic texts. Her aim is to rebut the dominant scholarly theories which argue that Clement's source must have been either a Jewish teacher in Alexandria or a school tradition with Jewish roots. But if, as Otto insists, the Alexandrian Jewish community was virtually decimated after the Trajanic revolt of 115–117, Clement would have needed an alternative source. Otto thus proposes that Clement came into contact with Philo's works through the vibrant (non-Jewish) philosophical networks in Alexandria. Because the philosophical schools of Alexandria were open to consulting outside works, Philo's writings were almost certainly part of the city's broader philosophical exchanges. While Otto is correct that the consensus theory about Clement's acquisition of Philo (via some sort of connection to Jews) necessitates a fair amount of speculation, her alternative suggestion is no less speculative. There is simply no direct evidence to support her claim, and it is not clear how it materially affects her analysis in subsequent chapters. Chapters Two, Three, and Four examine how Clement, Origen, and Eusebius describe Philo's exegetical skills and ethnic identity. Chapter Two investigates Clement's four overt references to Philo. In two of those cases, Clement calls Philo "the Pythagorean" even where he is also called an expert interpreter of the [End Page 342] Mosaic law and/or historian of the Jewish people. Why, Otto asks, would Clement describe Philo this way? Her answer is that the ascription "Pythagorean" worked to present Philo as a barbarian sage who blended the wisdom of Hebraism and Hellenism. Philo's exegetical skills "can thus be wielded by Clement both against Christians who protest the validity of Greek education and against philosophers who denigrate the teachings of the ekkelsia as a novelty" (89). Chapter Three focuses on Origen, who drew upon Philo's biblical allegorizing to bolster Christian efforts to uncover the veiled intent of scripture. For that reason, Origen often (and anonymously) refers to Philo as a predecessor, literally as "one of those who came before us." But in calling Philo his predecessor, Origen is not rendering him into a proto-Christian; rather, in Otto's estimation, the term "signals Origen's awareness of Philo as an interpreter of old who . . . correctly perceived the hermeneutical depths of the narratives recorded in Israel...

The extraordinary success ofThe Da Vinci Codehas dramatically intensified interest in the mysterious origins of Christianity. But in fact there has always been huge curiosity about a wide range of contentious issues concerning Jesus and early Church history. Who was the 'real' Jesus? How much do we really know about his disciples? What is written in the 'secret' early Christian writings, such as the Gnostic Gospels? How did the Church Fathers decide which beliefs were heretical and which weren't? Who were the first Popes and how did they take control of the early Church?Decoding Early Christianityaddresses all such questions, separating truth from legend, and showing how the early Church Fathers and Popes interpreted competing views and traditions to produce, over time, an approved and codified view of Jesus and his followers, and developed an accepted liturgy with which to worship him. Expertly written by a team of highly distinguished authors, it is a clear and engaging exploration of fact and fiction for anyone who wants to be reliably informed on the subject. The authors show how speculative fancies arise from a mixture of tenuous evidence and wishful thinking, and bring the issues back to the solid - but no less extraordinary - evidence in the main canon of the Gospels and the Acts. After Leslie Houlden's Introduction, which briefly explores the nature and context of the different issues, nine chapters, each written by an expert, tackle the evidence: 'What Did Jesus Do and Teach?' (Leslie Houlden), 'Who Were the Disciples?' (Stephen Need), 'Who Were the First Popes?' (Graham Gould), 'What is the Apocryphal New Testament?' (Stuart Hall), 'What was Gnosticism?' (Stuart Hall), 'What Was the Qumran Sect and Did Jesus Share their Beliefs?' (Stephen Need), 'How Did the Early Christians Worship?' (Graham Gould), 'Who Were the Heretics and What Did they Believe?' (Lionel Wickham) and 'What Did Constantine Do for Christianity?' (Graham Gould).

Philo of Alexandria and the construction of Jewishness in early Christian writings. By Jennifer Otto. (Oxford Early Christian Studies.) Pp. xii + 231. Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. £65. 987 0 19 882072 7 - Volume 70 Issue 3

219 The Thomist 78 (2014): 219-45 “TO KNOW CHRIST IN THE FATHER, CHRIST IN THE FLESH, AND CHRIST IN THE EUCHARIST”:1 THE COMPREHENSIVE SCOPE OF CLASSICAL CHRISTOLOGY IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY BOYD TAYLOR COOLMAN Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts CHOLARLY INTEREST in the theology of the “long twelfth century” shows no signs of abating.2 On the contrary , the ongoing conversation has reached the point where revisionist approaches now question earlier commonplaces .3 At the same time, despite agreement about the existence of this distinct era in the High Middle Ages, little consensus exists about how best to characterize its chief concerns, characteristics, and accomplishments. Indeed, a remarkable variety of “theological styles” coexists in a century that includes figures as diverse as Anselm of Canterbury, Peter Abelard, Hugh and Richard of St. Victor, Bernard of Clairvaux, William of St. Thierry, Hildegard of Bingen, Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor—to name only the more well-known. In the mid-twentieth century, one historian characterized this period as “the most uncompromisingly christocentric period of 1 Baldwin of Ford, De sacramento altaris, ed. and French trans. J Morson, E de Solms, and J Leclercq, Sources chrétiennes 93-94 (Paris,1963). 2 “Long” reflects a consensus that a unity encompasses the forms of theological discourse that flourished in the period between (roughly) the Eucharistic debates in the 1050s and the Gregorian reforms of the 1070s, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the formal incorporation of the universities (especially at Paris), the fuller assimilation of Aristotle, and the appearance of the Mendicant Orders in the first three decades of the 1200s. 3 Rachel Fulton Brown, “Three-in-One: Making God in Twelfth-Century Liturgy, Theology, and Devotion,” in European Transformations: The Long Twelfth Century (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012), 468-97. S 220 BOYD TAYLOR COOLMAN Western civilization.” 4 Since then, a cottage industry has focused on the twelfth-century “discovery” of and devotion to the humanity of Jesus.5 Yet, recently the Dominican scholar Gilles Emery has argued that “the Trinitarian question constitutes the great theme of twelfth-century theology,”6 which inaugurated the “golden age of Trinitarian reflection in the West.”7 Yet again, if one considers the Eucharistic debates between Lanfranc and Berengar in the 1050s and the pronouncements of Lateran IV in 1215, and then observes in between the avalanche of treatises with the words “body and blood” in their titles, one could also claim the twelfth as the century of the Eucharist. So—Christ, Trinity, Eucharist—which is it? Or is this a false question, created by problematic assumptions of modern historians? Recently, Rachael Fulton Brown, a leading religious historian of the twelfth century, has 4 Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study of Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University, 1957), 61. More precisely, Kantorowicz intends “roughly, the monastic period from 900 to A.D. 1100” (ibid.). That the scope of his observation deserves to be extended somewhat will be borne out below. 5 The literature on this theme is vast. In the middle of the twentieth century, R. W. Southern observed: “This power of St. Anselm and St. Bernard to give varied and coherent expression to the perceptions and aspirations which they shared with their contemporaries is most clearly seen in their treatment of the central theme of Christian thought: the life of Christ and the meaning of the Crucifixion. The theme of tenderness and compassion for the sufferings and helplessness of the Saviour of the world was one which had a new birth in the monasteries of the eleventh century, and every century since then has paid tribute to the monastic inspiration of this century by some new development of this theme” (R. W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages [New Haven: Yale University, 1953] 231). See also Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York: Columbia University, 2002). For later developments, see Ellen M. Ross, The Grief of God: Images of the Suffering Jesus in Late Medieval England (New York: Oxford University, 1997); and Paul Gondreau, The Passions of Christ's Soul in the...

Albertus Magnus is known for his rational approach to explaining various phenomena; a method that would be acquired and applied by his pupil Thomas Aquinas as well. In this paper, I focus on the concept of freedom, i. e., on the question of what it is that constitutes the freedom of free will in the account of Albert the Great. I investigate this question from the perspective of natural philosophy, a field that Albert was particularly interested in. In the first part of the paper, I study Albert’s definition of free will and its implications as they are tackled in De homine, De anima, and Ethica. Albert regards free will as a capacity of the rational soul, capable of choosing from opposites. Albert confronts the definitions of free will presented by Augustine, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Anselm of Canterbury, and in each of these cases he advances his argument from the perspective of psychology. In the second part of the paper, I identify the topics in which the general definition of free will is applied in a naturalistic context. Those are the debates on fate and free will, on the question whether animals have free will and, finally, on natural circumstances such as age or gender, limiting the freedom of free will. Subsequently, I aim at expounding Albert’s balanced, yet not tension-free position in the debate between determinism and free action. Although several extensive studies on fate in Albert have been produced, the problem of free choice in Albert’s works remains surprisingly understudied. The present paper intends to open a path for further research and debates on this relevant topic.

Cultivating the Heart: Feeling and Emotion in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Religious Texts