Abstract

This study aims to show that a derivative of the pure stipulation, PRO, should be dispensed with from the grammar, and a bound variable, a bare NP, can successfully replace PRO. Given control involves the relationship between the unexpressed pronouns and the overt antecedents, a pure syntactic approach seems invalid. First, it suggests that PRO is highly deficient and has no Φ-features through comparison with other pronominals. This prevents PRO from the subject position of most finite clauses. Second, adopting Wurmbrand & Lohninger (2020), this paper assumes that infinitival complements come in three different sizes: CP, TP, and VP. PRO is assumed to be located at the subject position of the VP corresponding to the theta domain among them. From those two assumptions, it concludes that a referential variable, bare NP provides sufficient functions for an argument structure of the VP complements in narrow syntax. The overt case of PRO in Icelandic and the plural subject meaning of partial control are derived post-syntactically.

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