Investigations on markedness, syncretism and zero exponence in morphology

Abstract

The inventories of subject clitics in northern Italian varieties are affected by widespread morphological changes. One of these changes is syncretism. In addition, many dialects display defective paradigms where some of the clitics are missing. The clitics that undergo syncretism and the clitics that are missing tend to be the same: the first person singular and plural, the second plural, and, less frequently, the third plural. Working in the framework of Distributed Morphology, I argue that these clitics are the target of markedness constraints that trigger repair operations leading to either syncretism or the removal of forms from a paradigm. In particular, I propose two such operations: one is feature deletion, which deletes a marked feature specification. This operation is always followed by feature insertion, which inserts the opposite value of the deleted feature specification (this operation leads to syncretism). The other one is obliteration, which deletes a morphosyntactic node and leads to underspecified morphosyntactic representations (this operation leads to paradigmatic gaps). I investigate how these operations affect the morphological exponents in PF, creating syncretisms and gaps in exponence.